Canada Labour Code

Bill C-247, An Act to amend the Canada Labour Code · Second reading · now at second reading in the House Where it stands

What Bill C-247 would do

The bill would repeal the section of the Canada Labour Code that gives the Minister of Labour authority to act to settle industrial disputes. This would remove the minister's power to refer questions to the Canada Industrial Relations Board or order the board to take action. The published material gives no further detail.

Official text (opens in a new tab)

3 statements

Kevin Lamoureux, Parliamentary Secretary to the Leader of the Government in the House of Commons

Liberal
“I want to know if the member thinks the federal government should ever have the power to stop a nationwide strike.”
Official Hansard

Madam Speaker, does the member, or the NDP at the federal level, and I would emphasize the federal level, see any circumstance whatsoever where the government should actually have access to a tool that would be able to respond to a national labour disruption?

Kevin Lamoureux, Parliamentary Secretary to the Leader of the Government in the House of Commons

Liberal
“I support unions, but the government sometimes needs tools to deal with serious labour disputes. The NDP wants to take those tools away completely. Our government is already consulting with workers and businesses to improve labour laws the right way.”
Official Hansard

Madam Speaker, I too would like to start off, as the member opposite did, with regard to the 1919 general strike in Winnipeg. That general strike set history, not only for the union movement in the city of Winnipeg, but I would suggest for the world. In many ways, our union movement over the years is one of the reasons we have many of the social programs that we have today. The union movement overall has increased wages and benefits, and in many ways it has contributed to the lifestyle that we have here in Canada. Ultimately, I would argue, and I have said it many times in the past, that Canada is in fact the best place in the world to call home. I do not say that lightly, because I do believe that our union movement is one of the primary reasons for that. When I ask people what they love about Canada, I often find it is about policies that have ultimately made Canada that star in the world. That is why I have always been, since I was first elected, back in 1988, a strong union advocate. I see not only the true value and contributions that unions have made in the past and today, but also the potential that is there for the future, and I think the government does have an obligation to continue to work with the union movement, as we have over the last number of years. I disagree with the painting that the member for Winnipeg Centre is trying to portray to Canadians as a whole and to the union movement. The best agreement is a negotiated agreement. Those are the best agreements. I believe 95%‑plus of agreements are achieved without any stoppage of work or lockouts. Over the years, I have had the opportunity to walk along with many on picket lines. I have had the opportunity here and at the Manitoba legislature. I do not think one has to be a New Democrat in order to be a supporter of the union movement, and that is something the NDP members do not realize. I will take the challenge. When the New Democrats ask about people going back to work, do they not realize that there have been NDP governments that have actually ordered unions to go back to work? They have brought in back-to-work legislation. When I was first elected, we had a compromise brought in by Howard Pawley during the eighties that was called final offer selection. That was a compromise, because the NDP premier at the time promised to bring in anti-scab legislation but decided not to when he was elected as the premier. Instead, he came up with the compromise of final offer selection. I am a big fan of final offer selection. Back then, we talked a great deal about it. The NDP and the Liberals actually worked together on coming up with a compromise that would have ultimately ensured that Manitoba today would likely still have final offer selection. In fact, it was the member for Winnipeg South Centre’s father who negotiated with the NDP to come up with an agreement that would have seen its success. The union movement supported it in Manitoba in a very big way, but at the last minute, a bit of sabotage was done. I will not tell members which political party caused it, but I can say one thing: I and many members of the caucus back then were very disappointed, because we saw the value of it, just as we, for the first time, have anti-scab legislation at the national level, brought in by a Liberal government. Understanding the value of the worker has been amplified in the budget process. Look at the Red Seal program. We are talking about enhancing 80,000 to 100,000 highly skilled workers through the Red Seal program. That is a real commitment. We understand that when we talk about those major projects, the projects that we want to advance, union labour is not an option. It is essential that we get union labour involved. We will see that in many of the major projects that are on the horizon. I took a look at what is being suggested in Bill C-247 and I posed a question. I believe it was a legitimate question. As I say, different levels of government, and the national government on occasion, have recognized that there might be a situation where we need a tool to deal with a labour dispute. We have seen that. Different levels of government, different political parties, including New Democrats, have had to use those tools. Under this Prime Minister and this government, we have departments that are consulting. I believe the consultation has come to an end. Dozens of stakeholders came to the table to talk about labour. There is a serious attempt by the government to look at how we can improve labour conditions here in Canada. That is why I say we take it very seriously. That is why we are doing consultation with the different stakeholders. That is why I posed the question. I did not mean it in a sarcastic fashion whatsoever. It was a very specific question to the member for Winnipeg Centre. I even emphasized the federal New Democrats. Is it the federal New Democrats’ position? Even though she did not answer the question directly, I infer from the tail end of her answer that the answer is no, that they do not see any circumstance whatsoever where the national government should have any form of a tool if there is some form of a labour-business-management dispute that is causing issues. That is what I took from the comment from the member for Winnipeg Centre on behalf of the New Democratic Party. Consulting is critical on anything with respect to labour and labour relations. Working and recognizing the value is more than just talking about it. It is taking action where we can. That is why I have highlighted a couple of things I have seen in the last couple of years that I think are very meaningful and that provide opportunities. One of those achievements that I am very proud of, as I said, is the anti-scab legislation that we introduced not that long ago and ultimately passed. The other thing within this fiscal budget is that we have now proclaimed how important it is that we expand and promote programs such as the Red Seal program. I see the value, and I believe that Canadians see the value of that. Working with the different stakeholders, listening to what they would like to see, in a responsible fashion, with respect to our labour laws, I think is the responsible approach to take. That is the approach that this Prime Minister and the government have put into action. I am not 100% sure, but I believe if it has not concluded, it will be concluding shortly. The best way to change labour laws is to work, through consultations, with different stakeholders in order to come up with good, solid labour laws.

Marianne Dandurand, Compton—Stanstead

Liberal
“I support workers' right to strike, but the government still needs the power to step into major labour disputes. Some disputes can quickly hurt the whole economy and millions of Canadians, so the minister must be able to act as a last resort.”
  • A repeated line

    “We cannot build a strong economy without respecting the workers who keep it running every day.”

    Said 3 times by 3 members since May 27.

    Every time it was said
Official Hansard

Madam Speaker, I would like to begin by pointing out that we are at a pivotal moment for the Canadian economy. All over the world, trade rules are changing very rapidly. Supply chains are much more fragile, and economic and geopolitical tensions are having serious consequences here at home for the workers, businesses and communities that depend on stable, well-paying jobs. In this context, the government’s responsibility is very clear. We must protect Canadian workers while strengthening our country’s economic resilience. The two go hand in hand. We cannot build a strong economy without respecting the workers who keep it running every day, and we cannot protect workers in the long term without an economy that can withstand shocks and remain competitive. It is with that in mind that I rise today to speak to Bill C-247. I want to begin by thanking the member for Winnipeg Centre for introducing this bill. I also want to acknowledge her strong commitment to Canadian workers. The government shares the fundamental goal underlying this initiative, which is to strengthen a labour relations framework that respects workers, promotes collective bargaining and supports the country’s economic stability. We firmly believe in the right to strike. This right is protected under the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, because it is an essential element of free, balanced and respectful labour relations. Workers must have real bargaining power, and our government has taken concrete measures to strengthen that right. One example is Bill C-58, which prohibits the use of replacement workers in federally regulated sectors. This had been a key demand of the trade union movement for many years. This reform helps to establish a better balance in negotiations and to protect the integrity of the collective bargaining process, because, ultimately, the best agreements are those negotiated at the bargaining table. Our government truly believes in dialogue between the parties. Collective bargaining is not always a simple process. It can sometimes involve significant tensions, but it remains a mechanism for finding lasting, balanced solutions. That is why we have the federal mediation and conciliation service, which plays such an important role. Despite what the headlines may sometimes suggest, the vast majority of federally regulated labour disputes are resolved without a work stoppage. In fact, 97% of disputes where the parties worked with the federal mediation and conciliation service were resolved this way, which shows that our system generally works well when the parties bargain in good faith and, above all, have access to the right support tools. However, we must also recognize another reality. Certain infrastructure and sectors now play a critical role in our country’s economic stability. In a context where global supply chains are already under pressure, some labour disputes can have rapid and significant repercussions for millions of Canadians, businesses, exporters and the economy as a whole. Recognizing this reality in no way diminishes the importance of the right to strike. It simply means that the government also has a responsibility to consider the public interest, economic stability and the potential consequences for the workers themselves, because at the end of the day, when an economy slows down significantly, it is often workers who bear the brunt of the impact. That is the rationale behind section 107 of the Canada Labour Code. I want to be very clear. Its use must always remain exceptional. Our government believes that extraordinary interventions in a labour dispute should always be a last resort. Our priority remains the same: to enable the parties to reach a negotiated agreement. In some situations, however, the economic, social and logistical effects are too great to ignore. At such times, the government has to act carefully, in a balanced way, with deep respect for workers’ rights. This is not an ideological issue; it is about responsibility. I think it is possible to be deeply supportive of workers and, at the same time, pragmatic about managing the country’s economic interests. Canadian workers also understand the challenges facing our economy. They understand the importance of protecting jobs, investments and long-term economic stability. That is why the government is currently engaged in major consultations on the future of labour relations in Canada. The focus of these consultations includes how the collective bargaining process works, mediation mechanisms, certain time limits set out in the Canada Labour Code and the use of section 107. I also want to highlight an aspect too often overlooked in the debate: the daily reality of the workers and employers directly affected by labour disputes. For many Canadians, labour relations are not an abstract concept; they directly affect paycheques, mortgage payments, the stability of small and medium-sized businesses and the ability to plan for the future. When negotiations go well, everyone wins. Workers, employers and communities benefit. However, when disputes drag on or turn unpredictable, the problems do not just stay at the negotiating table. They quickly spill over into supply chains, local economies and sectors that depend on reliability. That is why predictability is just as important as fairness in our labour relations system. Our goal must always be to create conditions that enable the parties to reach an agreement without unnecessary disruptions. That means strengthening tools for negotiation, mediation and early dispute resolution. It also means that both parties must have confidence in the system. Workers need to know that their rights are protected and respected, and employers need to know that there is a clear, fair and effective process for resolving disputes. Canadians need to be able to count on economic stability and the continuity of essential services. This balance is not always easy to achieve, but it is essential. We need to recognize that the labour market is changing. We are seeing new forms of work, changing supply chains and increased global competition for investment. In this context, jurisdictions that are able to maintain stable, modern and predictable labour relations will be better positioned to attract good jobs and sustainable investment. This is not about weakening workers’ rights. It is about strengthening the overall framework that protects those rights in a lasting way. Ultimately, the best protection for workers is a growing, stable economy capable of creating opportunities. That is why our approach is not set in stone. It is pragmatic and evolves with the economy. That is also why we are committed to continuing the dialogue with workers, unions, employers, and all partners in the labour relations system. We believe that this ongoing commitment is not a sign of uncertainty, but a sign of responsibility. This is how we ensure that the framework remains relevant, fair and effective for years to come. Unions, employers, workers and indigenous partners have participated in the discussions. We are listening carefully to what they have to say. Labour relations are changing, the economy is changing, and our legal framework must reflect today’s realities while protecting workers’ fundamental rights. Our goal is clear: to maintain a modern, credible, balanced labour relations system that lines up with Canada’s economic realities, a system that truly protects workers, promotes free and fair bargaining, and enables Canada to remain strong, stable and competitive in an increasingly uncertain global environment.

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