MEMBER OF PARLIAMENT

Andréanne Larouche

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Larouche, the Bloc Québécois critic for labour, human resources and women’s issues, pushes to raise old age security starting at age 65, presses for a public inquiry into the Cúram backlog that leaves 33,000 seniors waiting for their pensions, opposes Bill C-39’s limits on the right to strike, and asks for the promised $600 million for Quebec media and for shelters for women fleeing violence. She defends Quebec’s jurisdiction over labour and training, often opening with procedural talk—“I rise again this evening to speak to Bill C‑39”—before laying out her case with figures from unions and community groups.Written by AI from their statements. Updated .

Average grade
A
91 / 100 over 93 statements
Signal 80 / 100
Relevance 92 / 100
Respect 100 / 100
Clarity 94 / 100
Loses points more than most for Throat-clearing: announcing what you are about to say, or the House’s routine business.1.9 times as often as most members.What the tags mean ×1.9 Loses points less than most for Talking about something other than the matter at hand: the question asked, or the bill, motion or speech under debate.Less often than most members.What the tags mean A story that illustrates instead of making a point.Less often than most members.What the tags mean Averaged over the 93 of 99 statements graded so far.

Statements 99

Government Orders ·

Business of Supply

“We were told that festivals have funding and that we should stop complaining. But organizers and cultural groups are still telling us they need more money. What does my colleague have to say to them?”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, I will be brief. There are major events and festivals. Over the weekend, we were told that we needed to stop complaining and that festivals were being funded. However, we are still getting messages from organizers of major events and various cultural organizations. We in the Bloc Québécois are not the only ones complaining. So too are the organizations on the ground, which need more money. What does my colleague have to say to them?

Private Members' Business ·

Georgina's Law

“I do not want this bill to pass. It interferes with areas that belong to Quebec and the provinces, like justice and social services. Ottawa should give the provinces more money for health and social care with no strings attached, instead of trying to control their programs.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, these are difficult issues. I rise today to speak to Bill S-242, an act respecting national action for the prevention of intimate partner violence. It is a Senate bill introduced in December 2025 by Senator Fabian Manning of the Conservative Party of Canada, and it passed third reading in the Senate on February 24, 2026. In his speech introducing the bill at second reading, the senator highlighted the patience and tenacity of a woman from Newfoundland, Georgina McGrath, and talked about the correspondence he had exchanged with her over the following years. The woman told him about the ordeal she had suffered at the hands of her intimate partner. Of course, we commend Ms. McGrath’s contribution, her courage in speaking out publicly and her persistence in fighting the violence, domination and abuse suffered by victims of intimate partner violence. We encourage all victims in Quebec and throughout all Canadian provinces and territories to do the same. This is a huge societal challenge. That said, it is objectively safe to say that significant progress has been made in this regard. All political parties in the House have been working together constructively to implement transformative measures. No one doubts the senator’s sincere commitment, but he knew himself that Bill S-242 could not end abuse or eliminate intimate partner violence. He therefore obtained the support of the member for Bellechasse—Les Etchemins—Lévis, and I commend her for introducing this bill. Basically, as the bill title suggests, the bill provides for the continuation of national action for the prevention of intimate partner violence. The Bloc Québécois has concerns about this bill, which does not have any real impact other than to interfere in one of areas under the jurisdiction of Quebec and the other provinces and territories. It is important to remember that the administration of justice, like social services, falls under the Government of Quebec’s jurisdiction. It is up to Quebec and the other provinces to implement their own strategies for eliminating this problem. Quebec has done its part in that regard. Quebec, as a distinct nation, and all of the Canadian provinces must have the autonomy and latitude to deal with these tragedies as they see fit. Each community in Quebec and Canada is unique and has its own specific needs. I will therefore continue my speech by first discussing in more detail who is doing what to address domestic violence. Then, I will talk about what is already being done in Quebec and Canada, and finally, I will address what still needs to be done. First, we cannot lose sight of the fact that it is governments—the ones delivering services, hearing from community organizations, health care networks, police services and the justice system—that must determine what is best at a local level. This is a matter for Quebec and the provinces. It is no longer a secret that Ottawa must increase health transfers. Challenges and crises such as intimate partner violence, random acts of violent crime, substance abuse and homelessness continue to grow, often because of insufficient resources. Fortunately, it is not due to a lack of dedicated people on the ground. Every day, workers hold the social fabric together with sheer determination. My thoughts are with those who continue to work tirelessly in the community sector. Once again, Ottawa appears to be attempting to shape provincial public policy through a bill that, at first glance, seems harmless and whose objectives few would question in principle. The Bloc Québécois has vigorously defended victims’ rights and worked constructively during committee studies on intimate partner violence and coercive control, supporting every initiative aimed at strengthening protections for victims. We were the first to advocate treating the murder of an intimate partner as first-degree murder, curbing the violence associated with it and ensuring a rapid decline in such violence, including through the use of technological tools such as electronic bracelets that can help prevent unwanted, and sometimes fatal, encounters. As in many other areas where Quebec and the provinces work together, all governments can draw on one another’s best practices and most effective approaches to put an end to these tragedies and address their root causes through increased funding for psychosocial crisis centres, suicide prevention services and crisis intervention workshops. We must also recognize the vital contribution of the shelters that assist people in distress who must flee a violent partner. Everyone agrees that the time for discussion has passed. We must act quickly, and indeed very quickly. Instead of public money being squandered on planning meetings, it should be used directly on the front lines. The needs are urgent. Dozens of witnesses who appeared before the Standing Committee on Justice and Human Rights and the Standing Committee on the Status of Women called for direct support and adequate, predictable funding. All the stakeholders who are called upon when a situation involving intimate partner violence escalates, whether they are patrol officers, mental health and social workers, shelters for people in distress, medical and psychiatric services, or the courts, agree that they need a lot more resources to help them handle these cases that can shatter lives or, in the worst-case scenario, claim innocent lives. If the Minister of Women and Gender Equality is willing to keep the momentum going and take action to prevent and address intimate partner violence, it would be a welcome addition to our efforts to tackle this urgent and deeply concerning challenge. Let me reiterate that the communities and frontline stakeholders know their needs best and that the Government of Quebec and the governments of the provinces and territories must remain in control of their own strategies in this area. Ottawa should play an important supporting role, rather than overseeing the work of the provinces. Furthermore, when it comes to aligning existing strategies and programs or consulting with partners on any constitutional or legal issues related to this initiative, including respect for jurisdictions, the Bloc Québécois strongly denounces these principles, because intervening in this way constitutes interference in the affairs of Quebec and the other provinces and territories. Second, as with other legislation, the government can request a review of existing laws relating to intimate partner violence and direct a committee to conduct a study on the issue. It is important to remember that Parliament has passed some very important laws to curb and deter this type of violence. Some examples are Bill C-225, introduced by the member for Kamloops—Thompson—Nicola, and the government’s Bill C-16, which received royal assent before the 2026 summer recess. Additionally, important bills were passed in the previous Parliament, including Bill C-332 on coercive control introduced by the former NDP member for Victoria, and Bill C-48, which was recognized for reversing the burden of proof for certain intimate partner violence offences, including when the accused has previously received a discharge for this type of offence. I would remind the House that Quebec already has comprehensive, effective infrastructure for supporting children and families. This bill will inevitably create another parallel federal bureaucratic process. As it stands, the bill introduces a structure that will let Ottawa impose its vision, priorities and conditions on the provinces, turning a seemingly innocuous bill into a tool for centralization. During this Parliament, however, some very important progress has been made to deter intimate partner violence and strengthen the sentences. The Bloc Québécois believes that the Standing Committee on Justice and Human Rights, along with the Standing Committee on the Status of Women or any other committee concerned by these issues, can at any time examine, study and measure the effects of these laws, determine their impact and success, and adjust them to suit needs at a frequency to be determined by the committees. For example, Bill C-225, known as Bailey’s law, strengthens the penalties for homicide, femicide and offences involving intimate partner violence, while Bill C-16 makes coercive or controlling conduct a separate offence and expands the definition of first degree murder in some situations involving femicide. These two laws function in a complementary way. In May, following a study initiated by the Bloc Québécois and the Conservatives, the Standing Committee on the Status of Women also tabled a report entitled “Preventing Violence Against Women: Criminal Code Peace Bonds, Bail and Sentencing Reforms in Canada”, so we have already heard from many witnesses regarding peace bonds, better known as section 810 orders, in the context of intimate partner violence, and Senator Manning’s concerns were addressed by those witnesses. Throughout the study, the committee heard concerns about the effectiveness of these provisions. Witnesses called for reforms to Canada’s criminal justice system to better protect women and children from domestic violence and intimate partner violence. In releasing this report, including its 19 recommendations and two observations, the committee hopes to contribute to ongoing efforts to combat gender-based, domestic and intimate partner violence in Canada. I will have to touch briefly on the third point in just a few seconds. Another step the government could take is to increase health transfers, without conditions, as well as social transfers, to allow the provinces and Quebec to invest in their own priorities. These are measures that could be taken. As Canada prepares to criminalize coercive control, there are calls emphasizing the importance of laying the groundwork for this new legislation. I would like to say one last thing. In an interview with The Canadian Press, Annick Brazeau, president of the Regroupement des maisons pour femmes victimes de violence conjugale, explained that “femicide and homicide in a domestic violence setting often represents the tip of the iceberg”, the culmination of a long-standing pattern of violence. She noted, however, that “such tragedies sometimes happen without any prior violence”. We considered all of that, but the most important thing is to make sure there is not one victim more.

“Quebec is already taking steps to stop intimate partner violence, and our earlier report did not ask for a national plan. How will this bill fit with the work Quebec has already done?”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague with whom I work on the Standing Committee on the Status of Women. She is the chair of the committee, and I truly enjoy working with her. This is not a partisan issue, but I still have a question for her. In Quebec, we worked across party lines, all together, and produced a report on rebuilding trust. The report contained a recommendation for the federal government, which I tackled head-on. We carried out a study at the Standing Committee on the Status of Women and we held a press conference, with all the political parties, to ask the federal government to do its part and to respond to Quebec’s request that it criminalize coercive control. We succeeded in doing that. Coercive control is now included in the law resulting from Bill C-16. We took that step, which was a request from Quebec. As my colleague mentioned, the Gabie Renaud law was unanimously passed before last summer. How does the member see her bill? How does she see it fitting in since the report on rebuilding trust did not call for a national policy and there are already things being done in Quebec? How does she see her bill fitting in with all that?

Oral Questions ·

Labour

“I oppose this bill. Unions all agree that it attacks workers. Employers will make worse offers because they know the government will step in. The Liberals are acting even more against unions than the Conservatives.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, yesterday in committee, the unions were unanimous: Bill C‑39 is an attack on workers. According to the machinists’ representative, the employer will always put the lowest offer on the table knowing that the government will intervene. The Canadian Labour Congress representative said that she did not believe for a minute that the bill will improve the collective bargaining process and that it will embolden employers to hold out and not get a deal. How can the Liberals be even more anti-union than the Conservatives?

Government Orders ·

Business of Supply

“The natural health products sector is an important part of our economy. The Minister of Health meets with drug companies, but she refuses to meet with people from the natural health sector. I want to know what my colleague thinks about the Liberals ignoring this group.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, I would like to thank my colleague for his speech. I was particularly interested in the part of his speech that addressed natural health products. It is true that this is part of the economy. I have met with people from the sector on a few occasions. My colleague, the member for Montcalm, worked on the bill in the Standing Committee on Health. Unfortunately, the Liberals seem reluctant to engage fully on this issue. Although the Minister of Health has met with the pharmaceutical industry, she does not appear to have made the same effort to understand the challenges facing the natural health products sector. She has not even attempted to meet with representatives from this sector to gain a full appreciation of the complexity of the issue. What does my colleague make of the Liberals’ closed-minded attitude toward this association?

“The government's new housing program is too vague. We supported the bill because we thought there was a deal with Quebec. Now it looks like the plan might build only 2,000 homes instead of 19,000, and women's shelters say they have heard nothing about it. When will the government give us clear details?”
  • A repeated line

    “I am the vice-chair of the Standing Committee on Finance.”

    Said 3 times by 3 members since May 4.

    Every time it was said
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, in her speech, my colleague talked a lot about housing. I am vice-chair of the Standing Committee on Human Resources, Skills and Social Development and the Status of Persons with Disabilities, which is the committee that studied the Build Canada Homes Act, among other things. The reason we let that bill pass was that there was apparently an agreement with Quebec. I say “apparently” because we are now hearing a lot of questions from a lot of different people. The Parliamentary Budget Officer has expressed concerns. The term “empty shell” was even used somewhere. The target was 19,000 housing units, but apparently there is really only going to be 2,000. I, too, am coming back with figures based on what I heard in committee. Just today, I met with representatives from Women’s Shelters Canada, an organization supporting women who are victims of violence. They told me that they had not heard anything from Build Canada Homes as to whether it would actually meet their needs. With all of that in mind, when will we get a few more details about Build Canada Homes, since the information we have about this program is still extremely vague?

Government Orders ·

Building Canada Strong Act

In response to a question from Mario Simard

“We should not spend $44 billion on a pipeline that helps the United States. We should spend that money here on housing, helping homeless people, and giving a 10% pension boost to seniors aged 65 to 74.”
  • Reply to a debate question

    Relevance 100 of 100

    Of this reply, 100% addressed the question or point raised.

    See full analysis
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, in any case, that $44 billion would not be used to enrich U.S. interests or bolster U.S. energy security. Instead it would be used for projects that are truly in the national interest here. With $44 billion, we could easily increase old age security for seniors aged 65 to 74 so that they get the same 10% increase as seniors aged 75 and older. Someone was just talking to me about construction. I think that with $44 billion, without violating any other laws, we could easily invest more in organizations working on social housing and homelessness, in projects that are much more promising and much more helpful to the people here. That would also help people. Everyone is talking about inflation—all the more reason to help the people here get through this difficult time. There are countless examples we could give.

In response to a question from Dan Albas

“This bill gives the government too much power and cuts out debate. The government cares more about rushing projects and taking control than listening to communities or protecting workers' rights.”
  • Reply to a debate question

    Relevance 100 of 100

    Of this reply, 100% addressed the question or point raised.

    See full analysis
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, I sincerely thank my colleague for making an effort to ask his question in French. When it comes to the government giving itself new powers, that is exactly what it is doing with Bill C‑39. That is also what it did with Bill C‑5. As I have shown, power is being centralized within the executive branch. The government is giving itself new powers. There is no longer any accountability. We see this in the government’s approach to workers’ rights, for instance. The government is effectively eliminating the opportunity for debate. Too often, in the interest of expediting projects, it is clear that the government is more interested in giving itself new powers than in genuinely consulting communities.

In response to a question from Bienvenu-Olivier Ntumba

“This bill is not the way to fix the housing crisis. The government should spend money to build homes and support homeless people instead of passing laws that weaken other laws.”
  • Reply to a debate question

    Relevance 47 of 100

    None of this reply addressed the specific point raised or the topic under debate.

    See full analysis
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, as far as tackling the housing crisis is concerned, quite frankly, there are other solutions than those set out in Bill C-39. There are more options than simply passing laws that will undermine other laws. My colleague from Joliette—Manawan asked some excellent questions today about the homelessness crisis. I would like to draw a connection to another question raised by the Bloc Québécois today: What is the national interest? Frankly, investing money in programs that will help build housing and support organizations working with people experiencing homelessness would be a social project that would do far more to advance the national interest.

“I oppose this bill. It lets ministers end legal strikes without a vote in Parliament, which hurts workers. It also rushes environmental reviews, which will harm nature.”
  • Speech on a bill

    Respect 98 of 100

    This statement targeted a person rather than their actions or views: “has become more of a personal interest for the Prime Minister”.

    See full analysis
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, I rise again this evening to speak to Bill C‑39, which, I would remind the House, represents a crushing setback for workers’ rights, the environment and democracy. In short, it weakens workers’ rights, limits the right to strike and represents a major step backwards, as I said, for workers’ rights. It pre-approves projects by turning the environmental assessment process for pipelines and nuclear power into a mere afterthought. It centralizes more powers in the hands of the executive branch, that is, ministers, while diminishing the role of Parliament. In addition, regardless of what some people might say, this is a mammoth bill, a nearly 250-page omnibus bill that further weakens democracy. It feels like the Liberals are using the tariff crisis to pursue an agenda that sets society back significantly. When it comes to the environment, it is clear that these are setbacks that we will never be able to undo. However, the Bloc Québécois is resilient, and we will continue to fight for workers’ rights and ensure we can leave behind a healthy environment for future generations. I will speak more specifically about the setbacks to workers’ rights, then the environmental setbacks and, lastly, the democratic setbacks. First, I want to talk about the issue of workers’ rights, as a number of trade unions have expressed concerns. Last week, I received a letter of objection by email from the Seafarers’ International Union of Canada. Just yesterday, I met with representatives from the Progressive Contractors Association of Canada, the United Steelworkers and the Canadian Labour Congress, who are deeply concerned about workers’ rights. Today, I received confirmation that members of the Centrale des syndicats du Québec are concerned and are therefore keen to participate in the work on Bill C-39. The Liberals deny it, but a red line has been crossed regarding workers’ rights to strike and to collective bargaining. There is, in fact, a consensus among the country’s trade unions that this is an affront to workers’ rights. If the amendments set out in part 3 of Bill C-39 are implemented, the proposed section 107 of the Canada Labour Code would allow the minister to consider potential economic or even social impacts when deciding whether to intervene under a vague and unrestricted criterion known as the “national interest”. This is an entirely subjective criterion. It is worth noting that, under this bill, we would be the only G7 country in which the executive branch could bring an end to the entirely legal right to strike. For example, according to the proposed section 107 set out in Bill C-39, the same general power to encourage understanding and conflict resolution is there, but it is framed by the new subsection 107(2) for ending a work stoppage. It gives the minister the express power to make an order providing for the resumption or continuation of operations, extending the term of the collective agreement, or imposing a binding method of resolving the issues in dispute. As a trigger, yes, a legal strike or lockout in progress requires a special mediator’s report to be considered, but only the minister’s opinion of the national interest counts. The problem is that the concept of the national interest has not been defined, and certain factors are not exhaustive. There is still no prior vote, but the administrative route is now explicitly codified. Concerning any potential disputes, the text would provide an express statutory basis that could undermine challenges that are based on the current interpretation. In short, this weakens the right to settlement, and the mediator is not independent, because they are appointed by the minister. The unions have a few questions. They want to know where the balance of power is in Bill C-39 because, no, it does not contribute to social peace and economic security. Unlike in other countries, there is no longer any accountability to the House of Commons or to elected officials. The United States was even cited as an example, where Congress has a say in a strike. Basically, the bill does not abolish section 107, but it does sharpen the government’s weapon. The Minister of Jobs, the Leader of the Government in the House of Commons and all the Liberal members keep saying that the bill does not weaken the right to strike, but that is not true. Nothing could be further from the truth. The unions are confirming that the opposite is true and maintain that, no, there are no safeguards. I would also like to return to one provision regarding section 107, which is the worst attack on the right to strike and to bargain collectively. It is one of the most serious attempts to roll back decades of labour struggles in this country’s history. The right to strike is a fundamental right that is recognized by the courts and protected by freedom of association. The Bloc Québécois believes that this right must never depend on the political goodwill of a federal government. In May, I spoke about Bill C‑247, which would repeal section 107 of the Canada Labour Code. We thought that bill was interesting. I would like to quote a few of the things we said about it. We said that section 107 “gives the Minister of Labour extremely broad powers to intervene in labour disputes in the federal jurisdiction. The minister can go so far as to ask the Canada Industrial Relations Board to intervene or impose any measures the minister considers necessary”. We also said that “the existence of section 107 directly alters the balance of power between employers and workers. It encourages employers to stick to their guns rather than bargaining in good faith. The Bloc Québécois believes that disputes should be resolved at the bargaining table first, not in ministerial offices”. That is what we said about the bill in May. We did not want premature political intervention. We also said that, since 2024 alone, “Ottawa has used section 107 to intervene in at least seven major labour disputes.” I will give some recent examples: WestJet, Canadian National, Canadian Pacific Kansas City, Air Canada, the Port of Montreal, the Port of Québec, the Port of Vancouver and Canada Post. What was supposed to be an exceptional power has effectively become a standard tool for managing labour disputes. More than 55,000 workers were affected by the dispute at Canada Post. Lastly, we said that “when a government limits a fundamental right, it should always do so openly, in front of Parliament. For a long time, when a government wanted to end a strike, it had to introduce special back-to-work legislation. This entailed a public debate, a vote by elected officials and political accountability. Section 107 circumvents this debate, this democratic process, by employing a much more low-key administrative mechanism.” A right that cannot be exercised is not a right. Let us get back to Bill C‑39. We said, “If the bill remains unchanged, it will harm non-unionized workers. Compromises between employers and unions establish acceptable norms and standards across many economic sectors. Stifling the unions’ right to strike is tantamount to stifling negotiated agreements and reasonable compromises”. In short, it is more of the same. All the government is doing is releasing the minister from his responsibilities. My time is running out, but I could go on for a while. I want to touch on the fact that this bill is a brutal setback for the environment. Greenpeace is even accusing the Liberal government of bulldozing nature. Last week, I attended the general meeting of Appalachian Corridor, an organization with many environmental concerns. This group needs renewed funding for land protection organizations, not a law that could lead to long-term ecological damage, higher rehabilitation costs or literally impossible repairs, and irreparable damage to our land. The government needs to stop greenwashing. If the mandatory deadline for environmental assessments is shortened to one year, it will not be possible to guarantee the quality and scientific integrity of the assessments. This is a disaster for the environment. This bill is a setback for democracy. In a liberal democracy under the rule of law, laws passed by Parliament and elected officials are essential, particularly for determining what the national interest is. In Canada, laws will now be made to be suspended and circumvented. As my colleague asked earlier, what is the national interest? We get the impression that this has become more of a personal interest for the Prime Minister. With Bill C-39, as with Bill C-5, the laws passed by Parliament over the past decades will no longer apply equally to everyone. While some development projects may continue to be subject to formal environmental assessments conducted by the Impact Assessment Agency in accordance with the Impact Assessment Act, others, such as oil, gas, or nuclear projects, will be exempt from these assessments. In conclusion, I would like those affected by the bill to have a say. Several environmental groups feel that the government has not taken their comments into account. For example, the Centre québécois du droit de l’environnement is calling for Bill C-39 to be scrapped entirely. Here are a few questions that organizations are asking. Will the one-year environmental assessments examine the impact these projects will have on greenhouse gas emissions? Will they really address climate change? I doubt it. The west coast oil pipeline could affect over 100 indigenous communities. Fourteen indigenous communities, the Centre québécois du droit de l’environnement and several unions are challenging the legislation in court because they believe that the government is infringing on the right to strike. I would like to say one last thing about democracy. The Canadian Civil Liberties Association has criticized the Liberals for stripping my colleague from Pierre-Boucher—Les Patriotes—Verchères’ amendment out of Bill C-39 to get rid of the five-year sunset clause on the minister’s powers. This is starting to be a bit much. The alternative facts, disinformation and misinformation have got to stop.

“This pipeline is bad for the country. It hurts workers and ignores union rights when businesses need those workers.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, I think my colleague did a thorough job of showing that this proposed pipeline will not benefit us and is not in the national interest. Is it also in the national interest to fight with unions and violate their rights when businesses depend on workers? How is it in the national interest to alienate workers?

“This bill wipes out many laws passed by elected governments, just like an earlier bill did. What message does that send about democracy?”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, I have a quick question for my colleague. I thank her for her interesting speech. She drew a connection to Bill C-5, which, I repeat, was a massive bill that repealed other democratically enacted laws. Bill C-39 is also a bill that repeals a whole host of laws. What message does that send about democracy?

“The member across the way is not telling the truth. This bill does not respect Indigenous rights. A planned western pipeline threatens more than 100 communities, and 14 communities are already fighting this bill in court.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, I feel like we are playing a game of spot-the-lie tonight. How can my colleague say that this bill respects indigenous rights when over 100 communities are being threatened by the prospect of a western pipeline and when 14 communities are challenging Bill C‑39 in court? How can he say things like that and not see that his nose is growing longer?

“We added a rule to a past bill that forced Parliament to review it after five years. The government is taking that rule away in this bill. Civil liberties groups criticized that choice. What does my colleague think about the government removing this five-year review?”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, my colleague spoke at length about the current government’s lack of transparency and less democratic approach. Thanks to work done by my colleague, the member for Pierre-Boucher—Les Patriotes—Verchères, we included a five-year sunset clause in Bill C-5 to review the act. Strangely, the Liberals reversed that clause in Bill C‑39. This move even drew criticism from the Canadian Civil Liberties Association. What does my colleague think about the fact that Bill C‑39 removes this five-year sunset clause?

“I want the member to answer the concerns of Indigenous communities about this bill. It could affect 100 Indigenous communities, and 14 are already fighting it in court. They say it could violate their rights.”
Official Hansard

Madam Speaker, maybe it is because it is getting late, but I feel as though the government members are trying to hypnotize us into believing that everything is fine, but that is not true. What does my colleague have to say to the Assembly of First Nations, which is concerned that the approval of major projects could have an impact on indigenous communities? What does she have to say about the fact that 100 indigenous communities could be affected by Bill C-39? What does she have to say about the fact that 14 indigenous communities are currently challenging this bill in court? It is not just the Bloc Québécois that is saying this. Indigenous communities themselves are speaking out against this bill and saying that if Bill C-39 becomes law, it could seriously infringe on indigenous rights.

“I do not want this bill to pass. It lets the government stop workers from going on strike. That goes against international rules and would make Canada look bad.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, my colleague seems obsessed with the goal of completing major projects in one year and with the idea of diversifying our international markets. However, does he realize that, even internationally, there are clear rulings on the right to strike and on what a strike is? Does he realize that if the bill were to pass, Canada would become the only G7 country where the executive branch could decide to prevent workers from exercising their legally recognized right to strike? That does not present Canada in a very favourable light on the international stage.

“This bill does not protect workers' rights or the right to strike. Unions contact me every day because they are worried about it. The government needs to consult unions, and I want to hear my colleague talk more about that.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague for reminding us of the importance of consulting the union movement. I am pleased to hear him talk about the right to strike and workers’ rights. We in the Bloc Québécois were the first to raise the red flag. My colleague is right. Just yesterday, I met with people from the steelworkers union. Every day we receive comments, emails and requests for meetings from union groups that are extremely concerned about this bill. Contrary to the government’s claims that it continues to stand up for workers’ rights, every day I receive emails and calls from unions that dispute the government’s claims. Yes, it is absolutely essential to consult unions, and no, this bill does not respect the right to strike and workers’ rights. I would like to hear my colleague speak more on the importance of consulting these folks who work every day.

Oral Questions ·

Pensions

“The government says its pension system is working, but 33,000 seniors are still not getting their old age pension. The Liberals need to stop making excuses and pay them their money.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, after all this time, it is mind-boggling to hear the Liberals boasting about the Cúram system when there are still 33,000 people who are not receiving the old age pension they are owed. The Liberals treat these people like a statistical aberration, but so many retirees have been deprived of their money that they could fill one and a half Bell Centres to capacity. It is appalling that so many seniors have been abandoned for so long. The time for excuses ended months ago. Now is the time for solutions. When will the Liberals finally get that into their heads?

“A software problem is still stopping 33,000 seniors from getting their pensions. The government was warned about this over a year and a half ago. How can the Liberals say they take this seriously?”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, 33,000 people are still having trouble receiving their old age security benefits because of the Cúram software, and the federal government is telling us that every effort is being made to fix the problem. The public servants’ union warned of issues with the Cúram system as early as March. I am not talking about March 2026; I am talking about March 2025. That was over a year and a half ago, yet 33,000 people are still having issues receiving their pensions. At this point, how can the Liberals keep saying that they are taking the problem seriously?

Oral Questions ·

Seniors

“The government's new benefits computer system has $5 billion in cost overruns and a backlog of 33,000 files for seniors. They want to use it for employment insurance too. I want an inquiry into this project.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, the Liberals are refusing to answer and refusing to launch an inquiry on Cúram, even though the project has already racked up $5 billion in cost overruns and there are still more to come since there is still a backlog of 33,000 old age security files. The Liberals are not only refusing to be transparent but they also have the nerve to call this a success story and they want to use this same software for employment insurance. Before they get tens of thousands more people involved in this IT fiasco, will the Liberals finally realize that an inquiry is needed?