The Budget

The House debated the government’s 2026 budget. Liberal members said the budget invests in the economy while meeting its fiscal targets, pointing to lower taxes for businesses that invest, a separation of operating and capital spending, funding for clean electricity, heat pump rebates, electric vehicle chargers and marine conservation, and a deficit lower than forecast. Conservatives said the budget adds too much debt, lacks a credible plan to balance the books, raises interest costs, and leaves the country less prepared for future crises, and urged members to vote against it. Bloc Québécois members objected that the budget supports fossil fuels and questioned whether natural resources would be processed in Canada, while the NDP criticized what it called unfair ferry funding for British Columbia compared with Atlantic Canada.Written by AI from the debate. Updated .

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27 statements

Xavier Barsalou-Duval, Pierre-Boucher—Les Patriotes—Verchères

Bloc Québécois
“I agree with my colleague. As an accountant, I cannot make sense of the government's budget numbers. Ottawa uses tricks to hide the real size of the deficit. The only thing they cannot hide is that the debt keeps going up. I want to ask my colleague what will happen if our debt keeps rising. The government says our credit rating is good, but can this continue forever?”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, I congratulate my colleague on his speech. One thing that drew my attention as he spoke—probably because of my own academic training as an accountant—is everything he pointed out about deficit accounting, and what constitutes an expense, an investment or a debt. In the end, none of it makes any sense anymore. My colleague and I are not the only ones who cannot make heads nor tails of it. It would leave anyone with training in accounting, economics or finance completely in the dark. The system has become totally insane: Ottawa is using every trick in the book to hide the real status of the deficit. I agree with that. I also greatly appreciated it when he mentioned that the only indication we have now about the actual state of things is when we see the debt increasing, because it has become so hard to hide. In any case, the right approach still eludes them. My question for my colleague is this: What are the consequences of rising debt? The government keeps telling us that Canada has a AAA credit rating, but it seems to me that it has been repeating that line for a long time while deficits continue to grow. Can that really go on forever?

Michael Chong, Wellington—Halton Hills North

Conservative
“The budget document is confusing because the government defines debt differently in different parts of it. Also, federal debt has grown from 30% of our economy to 40% and is still rising. This leaves us with less money to respond to a future crisis.”
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Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, I think my hon. colleague is raising an important point about the debt. The problem, first off, is that the government uses different definitions of net debt in the same document. The document opens with a net debt definition used by the International Monetary Fund. Later on, in the annexes, it uses a completely different definition of net debt. In fact, it does not even refer to it as net debt but simply as debt. The document is very confusing and very difficult to follow, because there are so many varying definitions for various items. The second point I would make in response to my colleague’s point is that the federal government is rapidly diminishing its capacity to respond to a future crisis that the Prime Minister says, in his national security statement, could be coming. In 2008 and 2020, the federal debt stood at roughly 30% of GDP, allowing the government to spend upwards of 15% of GDP to respond to that crisis. It now stands at 40% and is rising.

Kelly McCauley, Edmonton West

Conservative
“The Prime Minister promised our debt would go down, but it went up instead. I want my colleague to talk about this broken promise.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, last year in the House, the Prime Minister stated the government would deliver a declining level of debt, yet we have higher debt and a higher debt-to-GDP ratio. I wonder if my colleague could opine on the fact that the government has not delivered what the Prime Minister has promised.

Michael Chong, Wellington—Halton Hills North

Conservative

Linked statement

“The Prime Minister keeps setting budget goals and missing them. If this continues, markets will lose trust in Canada's ability to pay its debts, just like what happened in the 1990s and recently in the United States and France. His father's last budget had deficits half the size of this government's deficits.”
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Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, my colleague makes a very good point. The Prime Minister risks losing fiscal credibility with markets by following the pattern, frankly, of the previous Trudeau government in establishing ever-changing fiscal anchors and never meeting them. We all saw this story play out in the mid-1990s. Markets can very quickly lose confidence in a government’s ability to service its debt and to finance its operations. The bond markets have in recent years gone wobbly, as they have in recent months in the United States and in France. The government is not on a fiscally prudent track. The irony is that Mr. Trudeau’s last budget was far more fiscally conservative, with deficits half of those of the current Prime Minister’s budgets.

Pat Kelly, Calgary Crowfoot

Conservative
“I oppose this budget. It does not lower costs for Canadians, it does not stop wasteful spending, and it does not set a real limit on borrowing. The government has added hundreds of billions of dollars to our debt and plans to add hundreds of billions more. High debt and interest payments will leave Canada unable to afford the next crisis.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, I am glad to speak about the budget, but before I get into the details of the budget, it is important to put it in the context of the government and its legacy since 2015. In 2015, when the Liberals were first elected, they inherited a balanced budget with a $2-billion surplus. We had an economy wherein housing was affordable, where a normal family with proper jobs or a person with a proper job could save their money and buy a house, across Canada. We had a country that had a middle class described by the very liberal New York Times as the world’s most prosperous middle class. There were pipelines approved. The northern gateway pipeline to the Pacific coast on the shortest route to Asian export markets was approved. The Keystone XL pipeline was approved. The Trans Mountain expansion was on the horizon with a private sector proponent. The energy east pipeline was on the horizon, to be proposed by TransCanada. The Liberals blew it all. They immediately broke the promise they had made in the 2015 election to run only two years of modest deficits that would permit the budget to balance itself. They cancelled the northern gateway pipeline. They passed Bill C-48 to make sure it could never come back. They failed to champion Keystone XL. They chased the TransCanada pipeline out of Canada. The company changed its name to TC Energy and focused its investment activity in Mexico and the United States. They chased Kinder Morgan out of Canada and built the TMX at an extraordinary cost to the Canadian taxpayers. This is the legacy of the government: broken promises and expenditures. Minister Morneau repeatedly broke every fiscal promise. He declared this fiscal anchor of a declining debt-to-GDP ratio, as opposed to his election promise of a balanced budget, and then the Liberals blew through that promise and broke it repeatedly. His successor, Chrystia Freeland, in 2022 said that a declining debt-to-GDP ratio was “our fiscal anchor” and “a line we shall not cross” and that it could not be breached, in order to sustain their fiscal credibility. Two years after that, the promise was broken again. She resigned rather than table a budget with a $30-billion deficit. We were here when an unsigned budget was just dropped on the table without a speech. It was extraordinary. That was just two years ago. Following the resignation of Prime Minister Trudeau, the current Prime Minister promised in the election that elected his government that there would be a declining debt to GDP. The Liberals broke that promise immediately. The PBO, as recently as just this month, has said debt is the fastest-growing expense of the federal government, and that brings us to the budget, which we had yesterday. Before the budget, Conservatives had three asks. We asked for immediate relief for Canadian consumers who are unable to afford the high cost of living. We asked for the extension and removal of all taxes on fuel through to the spring, not just the excise tax but the whole range of federal impositions on the cost of fuel that make life unaffordable for Canadians. We asked the government to stop its wasteful spending, and the Liberals delivered a budget that contains 150 billion dollars’ worth of new spending. It is very difficult to follow the threads of their spending, as my colleague said before me, in this 500-page budget of confusing definitions and charts. We called upon the Liberals to rein in the spending so that interest does not end up choking out all other spending opportunities. Our third ask was that they return to their anchor, or at least their stated anchor, of declining debt to GDP. The anchors that have been cut loose and dropped to the bottom of the ocean by the government are astounding. There has never been a fiscal anchor that has held the government. The PBO said as much. The PBO’s report said there is no evidence that the stated fiscal anchors put any meaningful restraint on the government’s spending. Like a sailor, the Liberals buy an anchor. They do not tie it to the boat. They drop it overboard and realize that the boat is not being held. They go back to the chandler and buy another anchor, and everybody on the dock laughs at them. We ask that the government finally hold itself to a meaningful fiscal anchor. A declining debt-to-GDP ratio is an anchor. It is something, at least. However, for a government that began its tenure with a balanced budget, a true fiscal anchor, I would suggest, would leave the government with the ability to cope with international crises and national emergencies, which happen much more often than people think. It is quite reasonable to expect that once every 10 years or so, there will be a catastrophic global event that will require massive support from the government. That is why it should be balancing the budget in the meantime. In a time of a growing world economy, the government should be balancing its budget and leaving fiscal capacity to run deficits in times of national emergency, not simply as a matter of course. The government has added $750 billion to the national debt since members were elected in 2015. This budget proposes to add another $765 billion through to 2031. The Liberals have already given themselves extraordinary self-congratulations in their projection, claiming they will move up, by one year, the time at which they balance their so-called operating budget. What an utterly meaningless measurement of fiscal prudence that anchor is. It is rooted in accounting trickery wherein they can randomly choose how to classify their expenses in order to reduce whatever their so-called operating number would be and claim they have balanced it. Even the whole approach of meeting a fiscal anchor by something that is going to happen in the future is very typical of the government. It is always in the future, someday in some future year, going to deliver what it has promised today. This budget is very disappointing. It does not address any of the three important asks that opposition parliamentarians raised with the government: making life affordable for Canadians, reining in its wasteful spending, and establishing a somewhat serious fiscal anchor and to actually be held by that anchor. Therefore, this budget is a disappointment. It is, as the member for Wellington—Halton Hills North said earlier, an affront to Parliament that the government would table a budget that adds extraordinary amounts of debt that is non-budgetary. It is 500 pages long and very difficult to follow. The debt is accelerating faster than the deficits because of the way the government is accounting for its spending. This budget will not help make life more affordable for Canadians, it does not restore any type of fiscal discipline, and it leaves Canada vulnerable to future crises by eroding Canada’s fiscal capacity to deal with uncertainty in the future. We have been warning these Liberals for 11 years that their reckless spending will leave us where interest chokes out other spending priorities.

Mark Gerretsen, Kingston and the Islands

Liberal
“Conservatives are not good at balancing budgets. The last two Conservative prime ministers introduced 19 budgets and balanced only three. Stephen Harper balanced the 2015 budget only by selling GM shares cheap, cutting veterans' services, and underfunding the military. I want the member to explain how they actually balanced that budget.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, I always get a kick out of listening to Conservatives tell us that they are great at balancing a budget and that they left a balanced budget when they left in 2015. When we look at the last two Conservative governments, of Brian Mulroney and Stephen Harper, they introduced 19 budgets. How many of those did they balance? They balanced three. Does anyone know why? The first two came on the heels of Paul Martin’s surpluses. When Paul Martin, the Liberal finance minister and prime minister, left government, he left Stephen Harper with a surplus that allowed him to balance two budgets. Then he ran deficits for the rest. How did Stephen Harper balance that one in 2015 that the member referenced at the beginning of his speech? He balanced it by selling off shares of GM at bargain prices. He balanced it by slashing veterans services and, for the first time in recorded history, had our defence at less than 1% of our GDP. Please, can the member tell me—

Pat Kelly, Calgary Crowfoot

Conservative
“The Liberals have broken promises for 11 years, so I will not take fiscal lessons from them. Brian Mulroney inherited a financial crisis from Pierre Trudeau that took more than nine years to fix. Also, in 2008, the Liberals tried to bring down the Harper government because it refused to run an even bigger deficit.”
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Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, I did not hear any contrition over all the broken promises the Liberals have made for 11 years. If the member really wants to go back 40 years to Brian Mulroney, I might point out that when Brian Mulroney became prime minister of this country, Canada really, truly was in an absolute financial death spiral that had been left by Pierre Trudeau. I guess nine short years was not long enough to completely undo the fiscal vandalism of an even earlier Liberal government, so I will not take any lessons from him. I may also remind the member that in 2008, it was his party that was ready to bring down the Harper government, in cahoots with the Bloc, over its refusal to spend even more and run a bigger deficit.

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