Medical Assistance in Dying Safeguards Act

Bill C-41, Medical Assistance in Dying Safeguards Act · Second reading · now at second reading in the House Where it stands

What Bill C-41 would do

The bill would permit doctors and nurse practitioners to provide medical assistance in dying to people who have lost the capacity to consent, if they made an advance request while still able to do so. To qualify, the person must have been diagnosed with a serious and incurable condition expected to cause that loss of capacity, and their province must have a system to store and track those requests. The bill would also permanently exclude people from receiving assisted dying solely on the basis of a mental illness.

Official text (opens in a new tab)

177 statements

Jamil Jivani, Bowmanville—Oshawa North

Conservative
“We should call this euthanasia, not MAID. The government uses that short name to make ending people's lives sound harmless, but it is not.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, I agree that using language is important, which is why I call it euthanasia. MAID is an acronym and a term made to sanitize something that is morally very consequential. I think it was used by the government to take something that is very disturbing to many Canadians and make it sound innocuous. It is not innocuous. It is euthanasia. It is about people’s lives being ended. This is serious. We do not need government acronyms in order to talk about this.

Marc Dalton, Pitt Meadows—Maple Ridge

Conservative
“I oppose this bill. I agree that we must permanently ban assisted dying for people whose only condition is mental illness. People with depression need care and hope, not help dying. But the government is tying that ban to a new rule that lets people request assisted dying in advance. Assisted dying has already grown far too fast in Canada. The government is rushing this bill to avoid hard questions about letting people make requests in advance. We should vote on these two issues separately.”
  • A repeated line

    “This is a matter of life and death.”

    Said 5 times by 4 members since November 4.

    Every time it was said
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, there are few debates in Parliament that are more consequential and more deeply impactful than when we are called to debate life-and-death legislation. Issues of this importance require us to look beyond being partisan, and this is not the first time the chamber has had to grapple with such profound moral weight. We just have to look at our history. I am thinking of capital punishment. A private member’s bill was introduced to abolish it in 1914. For decades, in the 1950s, 1960s, 1970s, 1980s and 1990s, parliamentarians in this chamber grappled with that issue. They debated whether deterrence prevented murders, the morality of a state taking a human life, whether life imprisonment was a sufficient punishment and the irreversible possibility of making a mistake. We fast-forward to today. Medical assistance in dying is, without question, one of the most consequential public policy decisions this Parliament has ever made. It is a matter of life and death, literally, and that is precisely why we cannot afford to get this wrong. When Canada first introduced medical assistance in dying in 2016, Canadians were assured by the government that it would be a carefully controlled, exceptional measure built on very clear limitations and uncompromising safeguards. We were told it was strictly an end-of-life compassionate option for those facing a reasonably foreseeable natural death. That is what we were told, but look at where we are today. The data tells us a staggering story. In 2024 alone, 16,499 Canadians received MAID. Since its introduction, more than 76,000 Canadians have died through this program. It is approaching 100,000 now, in 2026. In 2024, MAID accounted for approximately 5.1% of all deaths across Canada. This is an extraordinary number. To put this in perspective, let us look across the border at California. It is a jurisdiction with about the same population size as Canada. Medical assistance in dying was legalized in both Canada and California at exactly the same time, yet we can look at the comparison of numbers: in Canada, 76,475 deaths, versus just 5,423 in California. In 2024, as I mentioned, there were 16,499 in this country versus 1,032 in California. I think about how dramatically our legislation has evolved. In 2021, through Bill C-7, the government expanded eligibility far beyond those whose natural deaths were reasonably foreseeable. We created two distinct tracks, including a track for individuals who are not approaching the end of life. In so doing, Canada became one of the most permissive jurisdictions in the entire world when it came to assisted dying. By removing the requirement of natural death to be reasonably foreseeable, the government extended MAID to people with disabilities and chronic illnesses who were not otherwise dying. This approach is far outside the traditional, globally recognized end-of-life care model. Mental illness was initially excluded from this expansion, but only temporarily. Ever since, Parliament has repeatedly had to step in to extend that exclusion as a matter of crisis management. Bill C-39 kicked the deadline down the road. Bill C-62 extended it again, to March 17, 2027, a date that we are now quickly approaching. We must ask ourselves why MAID for mental illness was delayed in the first place. It was delayed because committees heard testimony after testimony from the front lines stating that this was an incredibly dangerous direction to go in. There was substantial, overwhelming agreement among mental health advocates, disability advocates, psychiatric professionals and academic experts. The special joint committee’s recommendation was clear, to permanently exclude mental illness as a sole underlying condition for MAID, and Conservatives agree entirely with this. We believe that someone suffering from depression, PTSD or another severe mental illness should be met with access to treatment, support and hope, not a path to assisted death. Mental illness can be utterly devastating. It distorts how a person sees themselves, how they view their current circumstances and how they perceive the future. However, we know that circumstances can change. Treatment can work. People can recover. People who once saw absolutely no hope can go on to live incredibly meaningful, beautiful lives. I have shared this before, but it bears repeating. In my early twenties, I went through a clinical depression. It was a very dark period of time in my life. I had suicidal thoughts. Thankfully, I never made any attempts, but in that darkness I received vital support from health care professionals and those closest to me. I came out of it. Today, that dark period is a very distant memory. I feel no pain from it, but at the time I felt utterly incapacitated. With time and support, I recovered. I went on to go to university, become a teacher, an MLA in British Columbia, a member of Parliament, a father and a grandfather. I have lived a full and rich life and I am thankful. If MAID for mental illness had been legal and readily marketed for people like me at that time, how many would have gone that route? The government itself has recognized these serious concerns, which is why it repeatedly extended the exclusion. However, with the current exclusion set to expire on March 17, 2027, there is an urgent need to act, and Conservatives have acted. The member for Cloverdale—Langley City introduced a private member’s bill, Bill C-218, which would have permanently and cleanly excluded mental illness as a sole underlying condition for MAID. What happened? The Liberals voted against it. On October 7, this House had a clear opportunity to advance that protective legislation and the government voted it down. Now, just weeks later, the government has introduced its own legislation, Bill C-41, which we are debating right now as we approach midnight. What has it done? It has taken the exact permanent exclusion for mental illness and attached it to a completely separate, massive and entirely undebated element, the advance request for MAID. Let us call it what it is. The Liberals do not want to subject their new expansion of MAID to the raw public scrutiny that the mental illness expansion faced. The more the expert witnesses, physicians, psychiatrists and professional organizations spoke out about mental illness, the more the general public became concerned. They do not want to go in that direction. By chaining these two issues together in Bill C-41, it is trying to sneak a massive new policy under the radar. I say, shame. The political dynamic in this House has shifted. Following the by-elections and floor crossings earlier this year, the Liberal government now holds a majority. It no longer needs collaboration with the opposition. It no longer needs to seek multipartisan consensus on matters of life and death. Because of this, it has the raw numbers to pass legislation independently, and it is using that power to ram this through. It is rushing this bill through the House, cutting off the thorough, isolated scrutiny that each one of these profound issues desperately deserves. Conservatives are deeply concerned with the safeguards in this bill, particularly with the sudden expansion to advance directives. The cold, hard fact is that there is already widespread abuse and inappropriate promotion with our current MAID regime. Time and again, I talk with residents in my community who tell me horror stories about family members having MAID actively promoted and suggested to their loved ones. One of my own staff members was offered MAID three separate times because of the migraines he suffered from a fall a decade ago. Another man told me how his father was offered MAID because of a hip injury. The son had to step in and tell providers that his father needed exercises and stretching, not MAID. He helped his father get the proper rehabilitation and guess what. He is out of the hospital. He is not dead.

Guillaume Deschênes-Thériault, Madawaska—Restigouche

Liberal
“Our 2016 law gave suffering people with incurable illnesses the option to choose medical assistance in dying. I want the member to give a clear answer: does he support or oppose letting people make their own free and informed choice about this?”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, in 2016, the adoption of Canada’s MAID legislation marked a significant change in Canadian society. It gave people living with an incurable illness and experiencing intolerable suffering an additional option in their end-of-life care: medical assistance in dying. My colleague cited a number of statistics and shared several anecdotes in his speech, but I would like a clear answer. Is he for or against allowing individuals to make a free and informed choice about MAID based on their own circumstances?

Marc Dalton, Pitt Meadows—Maple Ridge

Conservative
“I am against this bill. People are already being pushed toward medically assisted dying. There are too many problems we still need to talk about before adding more to the system.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, I am opposed to the abuse we are currently seeing in the system, with people being encouraged to pursue medical assistance in dying. Now there is an effort to introduce yet another element. There are a great many concerns that still need to be discussed.

Luc Thériault, Montcalm

Bloc Québécois
“The Supreme Court ruled that medically assisted dying is not just for people who are dying soon. Forcing people to suffer until they are terminally ill violates their right to life. I want my colleague to explain why he is supporting a bill that goes against the Constitution.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, in his speech, my colleague said that he thought it was immoral for a person who is not terminally ill to have access to MAID. However, Bill C-14 was inconsistent with the Carter decision. Ms. Carter and Ms. Taylor were not terminally ill. They were approaching the terminal phase of their illness. Being terminally ill does not mean that death is imminent or that a person is not already experiencing intolerable and irremediable suffering. The Supreme Court is of the opinion that creating a blanket exclusion for people who are not terminally ill but who are suffering infringes on the right to life because it forces them to cut their life short rather than allowing them to determine when their suffering has become intolerable. What people want is to live as long as possible, up to the limit of what they can tolerate. That is what MAID allows for in cases that are not related to a reasonably foreseeable natural death. As a legislator, how can my colleague promote a bill that is unconstitutional?

Marc Dalton, Pitt Meadows—Maple Ridge

Conservative
“The member is talking about the law we already have. This debate is about whether people should be allowed to get medical assistance in dying only because of a mental illness. Most of this House agrees they should not. The debate is really about end-of-life choices for people with diseases like Alzheimer's.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, the member is talking about what is already the law. What we are discussing now is whether MAID should be available to people whose sole underlying condition is a mental illness, and there is broad agreement in this House that it should not be. However, the debate primarily focuses on end-of-life decisions for persons with Alzheimer’s disease, for example, or other similar health problems.

Natilien Joseph, Longueuil—Saint-Hubert

Liberal
“You have a right to your personal beliefs. But you should not put your beliefs above other people's rights to make their own choices. Can you explain the difference between forcing someone to stay alive with treatments and letting them die with dignity?”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, I am not challenging my colleague’s right to his personal convictions. I am challenging his possible intention to put his rights above the rights and autonomy of others. Can my colleague explain to the House the difference between therapeutic obstinacy and the right to die with dignity?

Marc Dalton, Pitt Meadows—Maple Ridge

Conservative
“We need more debate on this bill about medically assisted dying. This is about life and death, and we should not rush it. The Liberals made mistakes and delayed this before, and they will get it wrong again if we rush.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, what we are saying is that there needs to be a debate about this. This is not something we should be rushing through. We are talking about life and death. The Liberals made a lot of mistakes. As a matter of fact, that is the reason they delayed it once, twice and I believe three times. Now they realize that they got it wrong. They got it wrong before, and they are going to get it wrong again. This is serious. It is very complex. There are a lot of different pieces that we need to look at, not have rushed debates in the middle of the night that have to be done by a certain period. This is not good for Canada. No matter what the member may think, we need to make sure it works.

Marie-Hélène Gaudreau, Laurentides—Labelle

Bloc Québécois
“I want the House to pass this bill and let Quebec use its own end-of-life rules. Quebec has already studied this for years and is ready to allow advance requests for medical assistance in dying. Individuals have the right to decide how they want to die before they lose the ability to speak for themselves. Holding more debates only delays people's right to make their own choices.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, it is late, but it is never too late to talk about what life is all about. In fact, death is a fact of life. That is what we are discussing tonight. Let me begin with my conclusion. We have heard our colleagues repeatedly point out that Quebec was ahead of the curve, that it conducted multiparty consultations and that it even took the time to examine each step of the process. Today, we are saying that Quebec is not only ready, but that it also needs the latitude, insofar as the Criminal Code is concerned, to fully implement its legislation. Here, we began studying medical assistance in dying five years ago, looking in particular at what took place in Quebec. That work yielded a wealth of findings that now allow us to clearly distinguish between two situations: advance requests and individuals who have been suffering from unbearable mental illnesses for decades. What I am beginning to realize is that we are not going to make it happen. Some people want to divide the bill, others want to have two votes. Basically, I cannot even keep up. There is one thing I do understand, though. Can we take action together and agree that if certain provinces and territories are not ready, that is their business? If we in Quebec are ready, because we have been talking about it for years, then please let us implement what we believe is right for us. This would illustrate that such a sensitive bill was drafted through a collaborative process. I do not think we will achieve that here in the House. We have perfectly legitimate differences of opinion, but when it comes to end-of-life care, human dignity is being set aside when the individual should come first regarding decisions about their own life. When someone is making a decision for themselves, I would feel very uncomfortable doing or saying anything that might influence that person. It is not up to me to tell them, no, they cannot die, or yes, they can die. It is up to the individual. I am saying this because I have been through it myself. I am talking about it, but I am certainly not trying to oversimplify things and suggest that the law should be based on my experience. I want that to be clear. I have lived experience. In 2017, my father was diagnosed with ALS. People who were here more than a decade ago knew the MP Mauril Bélanger. ALS is a devastating disease. It causes tremendous suffering. It can reach a point where a person is no longer able to endure that suffering, which in this case is both physical and psychological because the person is trapped in their own body. In 2017, my father participated in several research studies. At the time, even I, as his young daughter, would tell him that he could not possibly be thinking about death. He told me that death is just part of life. However, after discussing his case with researchers and scientists, he chose to die with his illness rather than from it. In the final stages of ALS, swallowing and breathing become increasingly difficult. The heart does not stop, but people generally end up suffocating. Because my father was eligible for MAID, he chose to die without having to endure that suffering. No one wants their parents to leave them, but he made me understand something. It was only afterwards that I realized how understandable it is not to want to lose a loved one. It is out of love. What I am hearing in these discussions is, above all, a fear that the person might miss out on something, that there could still be moments of happiness. I could have a colleague tell me that a person with dementia has experienced 24 hours of complete lucidity over the course of three months. Ultimately, it is up to the person who is caring for their loved one. We are unable to come to an agreement about the role of loved ones this evening. I am thinking back to when my father told me he was going to die from his illness. Of course, there was the possibility of intervention, but no one was ever able to intervene. I experienced it myself. How many times did we have to reaffirm the legitimacy of my father’s right to refuse treatment, to ask that he not be allowed to suffer, and to have his end-of-life wishes respected? He had been trapped in his body for 20 years. He told me one day that he had been using a ventilator, a BiPAP, for eight years, that he never took it off and wore it 24 hours a day, seven days a week. He could not take it anymore. The ventilator had replaced his lungs. I told him it was a natural reaction. That is what this is all about. Let nature take its course and let us not try to save lives. If we are sick, let us die. That is what I hear, and it troubles me. In my father’s case, he lived for eight years with a device that prolonged his life, but on the day he could no longer bear having that machine on his face all the time, we respected his wishes. It may have been that way from the start, eight years earlier, but he would have missed my wedding, he would not have seen my children grow up. Is it not selfish to want more time with our loved one? Essentially, today we are debating and talking about other people. When we are talking about others, perhaps we should ask the person who is making the choice what they want, particularly in the case of advance requests. That is also what worries me. Some say that people can live a whole other life. Earlier, I shared an analogy, or rather a story, about a colleague. I asked him what an advance request was. Simply put, sometimes we know somebody for 50, 60 or 90 years, and then they are diagnosed with Alzheimer’s. This person gets to say what they will and will not endure. They may not want their personality to change completely. They may not want to have to be fed. They may not want to be confined to a chair because they tend to wander around the building. I suggested a scenario where a person who has been in politics his entire life undergoes a 180-degree personality change, causing him to strip off his clothes and flirt with everyone he encounters. If this person acted happy, people would see it in a positive light. They would think he had certain wishes that he expressed when he still had the capacity to choose. Now that he no longer has the capacity to say that this is not the end of life he wanted, however, his wishes are no longer valid. That is what I am having a hard time understanding. As long as our discussions do not focus strictly on ethics and the protection of each individual’s right to choose, simply saying that we are going to hold more meetings and conduct more analyses will only prolong the debate. We will never see the end of it in the House. What I want is for every individual to be able to make their own decisions about how their life ends.

Todd Doherty, Cariboo—Prince George—Omineca

Conservative

Linked statement

“We should not vote on this bill yet. Medical professionals who give these medications have concerns about it. We need to study this bill more and listen to these doctors and nurses first.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, I have listened to this debate at length. I think my hon. colleague knows that my record stands in the House as one fighting against suicide. As I said in my speech and my comments, we are seeing a number of concerns already with the legislation as it stands. The medical community, those who have to deliver those lethal doses, those end-of-life medications, have concerns. We are asking on this side if, perhaps, this should be studied a little bit more, if we should hear from those professionals, because none of us in the House are doing that. There is nothing to prepare any of us to be able to vote on this. I do not think there has been enough study of this bill. I think it is out of compassion that we are pushing back and fighting for those who are perhaps considering this.

Marie-Hélène Gaudreau, Laurentides—Labelle

Bloc Québécois
“We need to focus our efforts on mental health care and prevention to save lives. When someone with mental illness asks for medically assisted dying, it is a cry for help. They will not be allowed to receive it, so asking gives us a chance to care for them instead of losing them to suicide.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, I did not have time to expand on prevention and the potential to save lives. Many of my colleagues have said that, when it comes to mental health in particular, we should start by putting all our efforts and energy into the service delivery networks. Yes, there are shortcomings. Imagine a loved one saying that they are going through an unbearable situation and they are going to request MAID. That person is sending a cry for help in the face of suffering. I am very sensitive to the issue of suicide. It may sound crazy to say, but if the person makes that request, rather than committing an irreversible act, that is, killing themselves, they have a better chance of getting through the crisis. That person will be cared for, because they will obviously not be eligible for MAID, and they will not fall through the cracks.

Guillaume Deschênes-Thériault, Madawaska—Restigouche

Liberal
“Medical assistance in dying is a choice, not an obligation. Strict rules apply, and requesting it does not mean a person automatically gets it. I want my colleague to speak more about these safeguards.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, my colleague gave a great presentation on the importance of respecting the wishes of others. It should be perfectly clear that this is a choice, not an obligation. Every individual decides whether medical assistance in dying is right for them or not. We have heard all sorts of things tonight. I would like my colleague to elaborate on what we have heard, especially the fact that MAID is still a choice and that strict guidelines are in place. It is not automatic. A person who requests MAID does not automatically get it. I would like my colleague to tell us more about that, in light of what we have heard during this evening’s debate.

Marie-Hélène Gaudreau, Laurentides—Labelle

Bloc Québécois
“This bill does not force anyone to receive medically assisted dying, and people can change their minds. We should split the bill so we can allow advance requests now and study the mental health part more.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, I would like to clear something up. If I am diagnosed with Alzheimer’s disease, I will not directly receive MAID. If I do not want it and never will, I will never receive it. I am under no obligation. If I decide today that I want MAID, but I change my mind tomorrow, my most recent decision takes precedence. What is there to be afraid of? Does my colleague agree that this bill could be split? We could move ahead on advance requests, and the committee could take some time to explore the mental health component a little more.

Andréanne Larouche, Shefford

Bloc Québécois
“People claim we lack the data on this issue. Can my colleague share the facts from Quebec's committee report on dying with dignity?”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, my question is simple. We heard that there was a lack of data and that there was no basis for it. Can my colleague, a member from Quebec, give us more details about the data and the serious approach undertaken by the Select Committee on Dying with Dignity? A report was published on this issue in Quebec.

Marie-Hélène Gaudreau, Laurentides—Labelle

Bloc Québécois
“Canada should copy Quebec's plan for medically assisted dying. If that is too hard, Canada should leave Quebec alone or let us separate so we can run our own affairs.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, I am so proud of that. Canada should take inspiration from the approach taken by the Quebec National Assembly. If that is too complicated, Canada should either let us be or let us leave, in which case we will take care of our own affairs.

Todd Doherty, Cariboo—Prince George—Omineca

Conservative
“I do not want this bill to pass as it is. We should split it into two parts so we can study mental illness and advance requests separately. People with mental illness need care and hope to live, not help dying. We need stronger rules to protect vulnerable people.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, it has been said before, and I said it in the original debate in 2016, that nothing in our lifetime prepares a member of Parliament to vote on such a consequential piece of legislation. There really is not. It truly is life or death. This legislation, as it stands today, raises serious questions about how Canada approaches medical assistance in dying, how we protect vulnerable people and what responsibilities the government has to Canadians who are suffering. From the moment I landed as a member of Parliament, I have fought every day for those who serve our country and our community and for those who are struggling and suffering silently. For over 1,000 days, I pushed the previous government to launch a national suicide hotline, 988. I believe life is so precious that we should be doing everything to fight for every breath we have in us. Since 2016, when I really struggled with that vote, I have contacted my pastor a number of times. It went against everything in my faith, in my fibre, everything that I had fought for in the 30 years leading up to my being elected as a member of Parliament. How could I vote with that? Since 2016, I have spoken with probably hundreds if not thousands of Canadians who had loved ones who suffered from cancer or ALS and chose MAID. In December 2023, my mother, from whom I was estranged, was diagnosed with acute leukemia. It was going to attack her brain. It was a painful disease. She chose MAID, and she set a death date. Whatever background we had, I put it aside and sat by her bedside for probably about four months as we marched toward that death date. I was tasked with making her a mixtape, as a matter of fact, to play on that day. Imagine my surprise and my brother’s surprise, as we had mentally prepared for that day, regardless of what our background was with our mother, when we arrived to be told by the doctors that when they were preparing her, she said no. We were frustrated because we knew what was lying ahead for my mom, but that was her choice. We met with the doctors, the medical team, the MAID team, and they said they could not in good conscience administer the final dose of the medication to end her life. That is my story, so I understand where families are. I am troubled by the number of Canadians, such as veterans, who are being offered MAID because they are struggling with PTSD or a mental illness. One in 10 Canadians knows someone who has been offered MAID. Approximately 13 Canadians die by suicide every day. Approximately 100,000 Canadians attempt suicide every year. That is 250 per day. About 20,0000 Canadians are hospitalized every year for self-harm. The MAID numbers are staggering. We are approaching 100,000 Canadians who have chosen to die by MAID. We are seeing commercials for end of life on TV and on social media. I sat with a veteran who was offered MAID. He phoned Veterans Affairs and was offered MAID. Not once, not twice, but three times he was asked if he had considered MAID. I have sat with people who have gone to their doctor for injuries that were causing them unbelievable pain. Our concern is with advance directives, and experts in the medical community have these same concerns. We are asking to split the bill to deal with mental illness and the advance directive separately to give us time to get this as close to right as possible, to put those further safeguards in place. I come at this with the purest of intentions. There was a time when I was consumed with death. It was for about five years. My best friend had died by suicide, and I did not see a way forward. My childhood had been filled with dysfunction and abuse. I was struggling, and I attempted suicide numerous times. I have thought about this, and if MAID had been available at that time, I would have taken it. Then I think about all the things I would have missed. Here I am so many years later, 38 years later, and I love life. I am so thankful I am here. I think of watching my four beautiful children grow up to be amazing adults; of my grandchildren, Ren and Meyer; and of finding the love of my life just at the end of that period of darkness. As Conservatives, we believe that we have to do everything in our power to offer opportunities for getting better, getting the supports people need. We believe in hope. We are in a mental health crisis and an addiction crisis in this country, yet time and again we hear empty promises from the other side. Tomorrow is budget day, and I hope there will be supports in place for mental health. We now spend more money in servicing our debt than we do in health care transfers. The health care transfers that go to our provinces for mental health are pennies on the dollar. We do not view mental health in parity with physical health. If we did that, as a country, we would be healthier and happier, and we would see the numbers go further down. This debate requires Parliament to think carefully about what kind of country we want to be. We must approach suffering people with compassion, respect and dignity, but compassion cannot simply mean offering another option at the end of someone’s suffering. It must mean doing everything we reasonably can to help that person live, to provide treatment, to offer support and to ensure that they are not left alone. On the question of MAID for mental illness, we are clear that we do not support it. I do not support it. We do not believe it should ever be permitted where mental illness is the sole underlying medical condition. Mental illness should be met with treatment, care and hope. Canadians deserve a health care system that gives them a genuine opportunity to recover and a government that works to make care accessible. I truly understand that there are Canadians who are suffering with unbelievable illnesses for whom MAID is perhaps the right choice for them, but as parliamentarians, we must do everything in our power to make sure those safeguards are in place as we move this legislation forward.

Guillaume Deschênes-Thériault, Madawaska—Restigouche

Liberal
“I want us to be careful and accurate in this debate. Medical assistance in dying is for people with incurable illnesses who are suffering, and it is not the same as suicide. We should not confuse the public with oversimplified arguments, personal stories, or false comparisons.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, in a debate as sensitive as the one surrounding medical assistance in dying, I urge members to be thorough, to raise the standard of the debate and to ensure that we do not resort to oversimplifications that could hinder the public’s understanding of the discussions taking place this evening. At one point in my colleague’s speech, he seemed to draw a parallel between suicide and medical assistance in dying, even though we know these are two fundamentally different things. Medical assistance in dying is an option available to people living with incurable illnesses that cause significant suffering. There was also a point where my colleague spoke of commercial aspects related to medical assistance in dying. I must say I did not really understand that part. I believe we must be rigorous and ensure that we do not recount anecdotes or make false equivalencies that could hinder understanding of the debate.

Todd Doherty, Cariboo—Prince George—Omineca

Conservative
“The member said I dumbed down this debate. That statement was stupid, and I will not answer it.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, I am not going to really dignify that with an answer. The member essentially said I have dumbed down this debate. I am going to keep my words parliamentary and not dignify that stupid statement with an answer. An hon. member: Oh, oh!

Luc Thériault, Montcalm

Bloc Québécois
“People who are suicidal will not be allowed to get medical assistance in dying. Suicidal feelings can be treated and reversed, and patients are only eligible if their condition cannot be reversed. I want the member to read the guidelines written by the experts and doctors.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, I served on the Standing Committee on Health with my colleague. I am very familiar with, and deeply appreciative of, his personal commitment and all the efforts he makes to support suicide prevention. I think it is very generous of him to share these personal stories during tonight’s debate. I wanted to reassure him. As for eligibility and MAID for mental illness, I do not know what makes him say that he would have been eligible. I do not think he would have been. The proof is that he is here and that suicidality is reversible. It is only in a situation of irreversibility that we begin to assess the issue. Suicidality is reversible and is not inevitable. The experts’ report helped establish guidelines, as did the standards of practice established by the Canadian association of providers. I urge my colleague to review these guidelines. He will see that we are not allowing people who are suicidal to access MAID.

Todd Doherty, Cariboo—Prince George—Omineca

Conservative
“If medically assisted dying is made available to people with mental illness, we must make sure all safeguards are in place. In the past, I likely would have done whatever I could to access it.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, I appreciate our hon. colleague. I have a great deal of respect for our colleague all the way down at the far end there. My comment is only that if this was available to those who are struggling with mental illness, again, we would have to make sure that all those safeguards were in place. I would have likely done whatever I could to access this at that time.

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  5. Oral Questions The Economy 4 statements
  6. Oral Questions Finance 6 statements
  7. Oral Questions International Trade 6 statements
  8. Oral Questions Major Projects Office 4 statements
  9. Oral Questions Emergency Management 2 statements
  10. Oral Questions Artificial Intelligence 6 statements
  11. Oral Questions Finance 2 statements
  12. Oral Questions Public Services and Procurement 2 statements
  13. Oral Questions Finance 2 statements
  14. Oral Questions National Defence 2 statements
  15. Oral Questions Housing 2 statements
  16. Oral Questions Major Projects Office 14 statements
  17. Oral Questions Public Services and Procurement 2 statements
  18. Oral Questions The Economy 4 statements
  19. Oral Questions Steel and Aluminum Industry 4 statements
  20. Private Members' Business Wartime Service Recognition Act 12 statements
  21. Government Orders Budget 2025 Implementation Act, No. 2 31 statements
  22. Government Orders Medical Assistance in Dying Safeguards Act 177 statements
  23. Adjournment Proceedings Adjournment Proceedings 4 statements
  24. Adjournment Proceedings Adjournment Proceedings 4 statements