MEMBER OF PARLIAMENT

Andréanne Larouche

Follow by RSS

Larouche, the Bloc Québécois critic for labour, human resources and women’s issues, pushes to raise old age security starting at age 65, presses for a public inquiry into the Cúram backlog that leaves 33,000 seniors waiting for their pensions, opposes Bill C-39’s limits on the right to strike, and asks for the promised $600 million for Quebec media and for shelters for women fleeing violence. She defends Quebec’s jurisdiction over labour and training, often opening with procedural talk—“I rise again this evening to speak to Bill C‑39”—before laying out her case with figures from unions and community groups.Written by AI from their statements. Updated .

Average grade
A
91 / 100 over 93 statements
Signal 80 / 100
Relevance 92 / 100
Respect 100 / 100
Clarity 94 / 100
Averaged over the 93 of 99 statements graded so far.

In their own words

Loses points more than most for

Loses points less than most for Talking about something other than the matter at hand: the question asked, or the bill, motion or speech under debate.Less often than most members.What the tags mean A story that illustrates instead of making a point.Less often than most members.What the tags mean

Statements 99

Government Orders ·

Safe Social Media Act

“We must act to protect children from the harms of social media. We cannot leave this only to parents and schools. But I want to know how this bill will work. I worry the government is avoiding hard choices by leaving all the difficult decisions to the new digital safety commission.”
Official Hansard

Madam Speaker, I am accustomed to working with my colleague from Trois‑Rivières on the Standing Committee on Human Resources, Skills and Social Development and the Status of Persons with Disabilities, also known as HUMA. We work well together. We agree on one thing: Maintaining the status quo is no longer an option. She talked about her experience as a mother. As the godmother of a young adult, the aunt of a preteen and a teenager, and the mother of a preschool-age little girl, I see the challenges that come at every age with the use of screens and social media. She also said that the young people she consulted told her that the government has a responsibility in this area. We cannot shift everything over to the education system or foist it on parents. One of the questions we have relates specifically to the creation of the digital security commission. Is this not, to some extent, a way for the government to sidestep responsibility for the most contentious issues by introducing framework legislation that sets out broad principles ? Our question regarding such a complex issue centres on the “how”. It is when we examine the “how” that the most difficult and controversial issues come up. How will the government be able to take a stance on the most contentious issues if everything is delegated to the digital security commission?

“This bill deals with youth and education. Those areas belong to Quebec and the provinces, not the federal government. A House committee already told the government to respect provincial powers on this issue. I want to know why the government introduced this bill without consulting Quebec or the provinces.”
  • A repeated line

    “In addressing the effects of influencers and social media on children and adolescents.”

    Said 4 times by 3 members since October 29.

    Every time it was said
Official Hansard

Madam Speaker, as I said earlier during my question, the Standing Committee on the Status of Women is studying similar issues, and the issue here is not a simple one. It concerns youth and education. These are matters under the jurisdiction of Quebec and the provinces. The Standing Committee on Canadian Heritage warned the government against the temptation to act alone. As proof, it even made a recommendation to that effect: That the Government of Canada, in addressing the effects of influencers and social media on children and adolescents—and while recognizing the jurisdiction and primacy of the provinces in matters relating to social services and youth protection—adopt an asymmetrical and flexible approach. Why is the government showing up with a bill without having consulted Quebec or the provinces at all, it seems, on an issue that they will eventually have to work and collaborate on together?

“We want this bill to go to committee so we can study the new commission it creates. This commission would have huge powers to inspect, call witnesses, and issue fines. The government is giving too much power to an unelected group instead of letting elected members of Parliament handle the hard choices.”
Official Hansard

Madam Speaker, I have a question. The Bloc Québécois wants this bill to go to committee so we can take a closer look at the commission that the government proposes to establish under this bill. This commission would be responsible for reviewing cases. However, the powers that would be granted to it appear to be quite extensive. It would be able to conduct inspections, summon witnesses and impose administrative penalties. In effect, the government is proposing to pass legislation that sets out principles while delegating all the powers to an administrative body to resolve the most contentious issues. It is trying to keep the details away from parliamentarians. What real impact will we be able to have in relation to this commission?

“Witnesses told our committee that we need better laws against online violence, anti-feminism, and the harms of artificial intelligence on women. This bill might not solve everything. I want to know how it will protect women and girls from these problems.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, I would like to make a comment and ask a question. The Standing Committee on the Status of Women’s last two studies have addressed the issue of social media. When we looked at this issue as part of our study on the rise of masculinism and anti-feminism, witnesses told us that we needed to find a way to better legislate online behaviour, such as cyber-violence. The committee is currently conducting a study on the disproportionate impact of AI on women. People shared their concerns with us about social media and AI, and they spoke about Bill C-34. This bill may not solve everything. How will Bill C-34 help with rise of masculinism and anti-feminism and with the disproportionate impact of AI on women and girls?

Orders of the Day ·

Concurrence in Committee Reports

“The federal government should stick to its own job. It should fix employment insurance so young people who lose their jobs can qualify faster. It should also help small businesses stay open, instead of interfering in provincial labour rules.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, it is great to help businesses, but in my speech, I mentioned something the federal government could do. I also discussed other solutions in my response to my colleague. I was talking about assistance for small and medium-sized businesses during these troubled times. That could help them stay in business, which would automatically help young people. Also, instead of interfering in employment and labour, which is not its jurisdiction, the federal government could deal with employment insurance. It was mentioned as part of the solution. We also discussed it in committee during the debate on employment and youth. We need to reform and modernize EI with criteria that will allow young people to qualify more quickly if they lose their jobs, so they can then return to work. That is something that falls under federal jurisdiction. Let us focus on what we can do.

In response to a question from Tamara Kronis

“The federal government should not interfere with job training in Quebec. Quebec already manages these programs and helps young workers find jobs and housing. If the federal government wants to help young people find work, it should fix the tariff crisis instead.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague, with whom I always enjoy speaking. We worked together again today in committee. I congratulate her on her French. In any case, trying to impose a one-size-fits-all approach and interfere with the training already provided in Quebec—with something that is already being done—is certainly not the way to help young people find jobs. At the federal level, there may be programs to help them gain their first work experience. One example is the Canada summer jobs program. However, I have also discussed many other work-related measures to help young people cope with the cost of living and find housing. These are areas of jurisdiction for Quebec that could help them relocate to where jobs are available within their province. The government has allowed the economic situation to deteriorate. Maybe one way to help young people would be working to resolve this tariff crisis, because it creates uncertainty for businesses, which ultimately may have to let people go. In this climate of uncertainty, young people are often the first to be laid off. We have a Prime Minister who has adopted an “elbows up” attitude and who promised to resolve the situation. Clearly, if there were an agreement in place and less economic uncertainty, there would likely be far more jobs for young people.

In response to a question from Alexis Brunelle-Duceppe

“The Constitution is clear that job training and labour belong to Quebec and the provinces. The Liberals are acting like these constitutional boundaries do not exist.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, Halloween is coming up, and I think I just figured out what to go as. I am going to dress up as a unicorn, because I am getting the impression this evening that the Liberals are inhabiting a fantasy land. The Constitution appears to pose no problem whatsoever. Everything is fuzzy; boundaries melt away. Nevertheless, it is clear that workforce training, employment and labour fall under the jurisdiction of Quebec and the provinces. That is the answer. I have worked in both Parliament and the National Assembly. I was not a member of the National Assembly, just an assistant, but it was enough for me to be clear on who does what. All I have to do is read the Constitution to know that. When the member for Longueuil—Saint-Hubert told me that he has never seen any attempt to interfere, I knew exactly what my Halloween costume would be: I am going to dress up as a unicorn.

In response to a question from Natilien Joseph

“Witnesses from Quebec told our committee that a single national plan for jobs and training disrespects Quebec's own system. The federal government is interfering in an area that belongs to Quebec, and my colleague is ignoring what these witnesses said.”
  • Reply to a debate question

    Relevance 41 of 100

    None of this reply addressed the specific point raised or the topic under debate.

    See full analysis
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, I know my colleague is from Quebec, but I am wondering whether he is hearing the same testimony as me in committee. For example, during the study on Bill C-266, witnesses from Quebec had to explain, even to the Liberal members, how the system works and why trying to use a one-size-fits-all approach to employment and labour to speed up so-called national projects shows a lack of respect for Quebec’s unique vocational training system, for example. I am not making this up. Witnesses from Quebec told us that in committee. It is always like this. We are talking about this subject this evening, but I am wondering where he is when witnesses from Quebec appear in committee.

In response to a question from Gérard Deltell

“Job training belongs to Quebec, not the federal government. Quebec built its own programs to meet its own needs. Federal interference causes duplicate work and wastes effort. The federal government should send money to Quebec instead of running its own programs.”
  • Reply to a debate question

    Relevance 100 of 100

    Of this reply, 100% addressed the question or point raised.

    See full analysis
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, one thing is certain. When it comes to areas of jurisdiction, they are the ones with the resources. They created their own systems to be able to give young people training that reflects the needs of Quebec and its regions. It is all in the name: “area of jurisdiction”. When the federal government tries to meddle in an area that does not belong to it, like workforce training, employment or labour, we run the risk of ending up with redundancies, and once again, we run the risk of being much more inefficient. That is why we often demand transfer payments. In this case, witnesses told the committee that the transfer that Quebec should have received would have improved the offering of unique programs in Quebec. In terms of skills training, we also heard that Quebec has something unique to offer when it comes to skilled trades. I could go on about this, but I think I will move on to the next question.

In response to a question from Kevin Lamoureux

“Youth unemployment is at 14%, which is way too high. The federal government is using this crisis to step into job training and trades standards, but those belong to Quebec. Ottawa must respect Quebec's authority over its own workers, fix employment insurance, and send more money so regions can create good jobs.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, I rise this evening to speak to an issue that is of concern to many: youth employment. This evening, I will try to use facts to properly present our position on the report of the Standing Committee on Human Resources, Skills and Social Development and the Status of Persons with Disabilities, of which I have been a member since February. The report illustrates the gravity of the situation that young people are facing. From January to August 2025, the youth unemployment rate reached an average of 14%, the highest level since 2012, excluding the COVID-19 acute phase from 2020 to 2021 and the global financial crisis in 2009. Meanwhile, the overall unemployment rate was 7.1% in July 2025. The youth unemployment rate is normally always a few points higher than the overall average, but the difference is off the charts right now. However, I am going to have to take a position straightaway in my speech on the matter of interference. Despite the topic’s importance, the government keeps carrying on as though the provinces and Quebec do not exist. The committee’s recommendations form the basis for a simple plan allowing the federal government to interfere in the area of labour while completely disregarding the existence of the agreements already signed between Quebec and Ottawa on labour training and revealing the Liberal Party of Canada’s contempt for all of Quebec’s labour market partners. A quick glance at the table of contents shows that the vast majority of the headings concern matters under Quebec’s jurisdiction. For example, there are headings such as “Skills Mismatch, Education and Training” and “Vocational, Technical and Skilled Trades Pathways”. I could go on reading from the table of contents. Outside Quebec, the federal government may play a major role in employment and workforce training, but not in Quebec. Clearly, the committee members knew how to play the game. They added “in collaboration with provinces and territories”, but this is a clear indication that the federal government wants to interfere in their jurisdictions. This wording is not a magic bullet that will protect Quebec from federal interference every time it could happen. It is imperative that the government introduce asymmetry for Quebec in order to comply with the Canada-Quebec agreement on workforce development and Quebec’s legislative authority. Let us not forget that Quebec has jurisdiction over workforce development and carries out this role in close collaboration with labour market partners within the Commission des partenaires du marché du travail. Quebec tailors its approach, as it does in many other areas, by collaborating with the community. The most striking example in this report can be found in this paragraph on page 42: On youth welfare, the committee heard that provincial responsibility for group homes and youth in care intersects with federal interests in long-term social outcomes. That is obvious, hence the idea of truly collaborating, government to government, each within its respective areas of jurisdiction. I will now address the consequences of immigration. In the House, the Conservative leader once claimed that foreign workers were coming to take jobs away from young people. This only shows that he is mixing everything up and that the issue is much more complex than that. It is true that temporary immigration has an effect on the unemployment rate, but in light of the data, this statement must be qualified. For example, according to the Desjardins study, international students are more likely to be competing with young people for jobs. The study also notes that the restrictions on international students that were lifted at the end of the pandemic—as members may recall, the government had eliminated the hourly work limits for international students—may have contributed to the rise in youth unemployment. This interpretation is supported by studies done by CIBC and the Institut du Québec. It is the influx of foreign workers with degrees that is believed to have contributed to the increase in available labour. Temporary foreign workers have less of an impact because these hires are subject to labour market impact assessments. Once again, I urge members to be cautious. After consulting with post-secondary institutions, I can say that these international students are not all here to steal jobs. They are also students who are important, particularly for the vitality of CEGEPs and universities in the regions. Once again, we need to qualify our statements. Of course immigration is far from being the only cause. It is a complex, multi-faceted issue, and it has more than a single cause. These same studies also state that the use of AI might be another factor that is contributing to rising youth unemployment in particular. In fact, this is mentioned in the report, in recommendation 6. Studies have also found that policies aimed at addressing demographic decline should help reduce youth unemployment, while noting that youth unemployment is particularly sensitive to overall economic conditions. That explains why the youth unemployment rate is still high right now despite the policies currently in place. The tariff war with the United States has exacerbated Canada’s economic situation and increased unemployment. This is also identified as one of the causes in the report. Take the forestry sector, for example. Quebec needs support measures other than loans. Meanwhile, the Prime Minister and the Premier of Ontario announced a new action plan to protect workers from tariffs and strengthen Ontario industries. They announced billions of dollars for Ontario, but there was nothing for the forestry sector. Then again, that comes as no surprise. It has always been that way. What we actually need to do is address low wages and inflation, because socio-economic factors also contribute to youth unemployment. More specifically, with respect to education, in the 2026 spring budget update, the government promised funding for team Canada strong, but Quebec has yet to receive that money, which would help create more training opportunities in the skilled trades. I will digress for a moment because this echoes Bill C‑266, a bill that aligns with Ottawa’s traditional centralizing approach and conflicts with Quebec’s desire to maintain control over its own vocational training and labour market. The bill creates a federal framework in an area that falls under provincial jurisdiction, namely training, certification and labour market regulation. This opens the door to more permanent encroachment, despite the preamble’s dubious claim about respecting jurisdiction. By requiring the minister to compile a complete list of skilled trades across Canada and map equivalencies, Ottawa is essentially assuming the role of the national authority on trades. This is no mere voluntary coordination role. It positions the federal government as the arbiter of provincial standards. Under the guise of harmonization and reducing regulatory duplication, the federal government is giving itself a tool to put pressure on provinces that maintain higher requirements. This will jeopardize the standards of quality, safety and working conditions that have been established by Quebec institutions such as the Commission de la construction du Québec, or CCQ, Emploi-Québec and sector-specific organizations. The bill offers no explicit guarantee that provincial standards will take precedence in the event of a conflict between a national framework and Quebec’s professional qualification regime. This leaves the door wide open for a standards downgrade that lowers Quebec’s requirements to the level of a potential minimum Canadian standard. Along with Bill C‑5 and the rhetoric about one Canadian economy, Bill C‑266 is part of a strong trend of Ottawa exploiting the argument of internal free trade and labour shortages to centralize power over standards, qualifications and mobility, at the expense of the autonomy of Quebec and the provinces. The Liberal government subscribes to this vision. In the 2026 spring economic update, it stated that it wanted to launch an initiative called “Team Canada Strong” to recruit, train and hire 80,000 to 100,000 new Red Seal skilled trades workers by 2030-31, with the goal of providing young Canadians with paid pathways to jobs in housing construction, major infrastructure and defence projects at speed and scale. The 2026 spring economic update proposed providing $2 billion over five years, starting in 2026-27, and $262 million a year ongoing. In committee, during the study of these bills, we were told that the funding has yet to be distributed. The Government of Quebec, notably through its former minister of employment and labour, denounced these intrusions at the time and reminded the federal government that workforce training falls under provincial jurisdiction and that Quebec already had its own programs. It should be noted that, in Canada, credential recognition is primarily the responsibility of the provinces and territories, which have jurisdiction over regulating professions and trades and issuing licences to practise. Approximately 20% of jobs are in regulated professions or trades, where the use of a professional title and the performance of certain activities are restricted to individuals who hold a licence or certificate of qualification. In practical terms, more than 400 regulatory bodies, professional orders, colleges and apprenticeship authorities, as well as more than 200 post-secondary institutions, apply these rules and assess credentials and skills. I could draw a lot of parallels between the bill and the report that we are examining in the House this evening. However, I will now wrap up this long tangent on Bill C-266, which I have heard a lot about lately, by saying that we just heard from witnesses and that we will discuss it further and submit a report. I will now talk about work-life-study balance. That is also an important issue when it comes to youth employment. We need to give this some serious thought. Debt has an impact on youth employment, as do discrimination against minorities, indigenous peoples and women and the lack of protection and recognition for non-standard jobs. Inflation and low wages also have an impact. Finally, economic uncertainty can negatively affect hiring or result in layoffs for low-income workers. In fact, the government addresses that last point in its response: The Government of Canada understands that weak productivity growth, high operating costs, and taxation can reduce firms’ ability to invest, expand, and create jobs. As a result, businesses may be less likely to hire and create new opportunities, particularly in sectors such as manufacturing and natural resources. Before concluding my remarks, I would like to take a few minutes to discuss the report and the study in general. While they are obviously relevant, the lack of political will to acknowledge Quebec’s asymmetry prevents us from finding lasting solutions to many aspects of the problem. The federal government bears its share of responsibility and acknowledges this: economic uncertainty, inflation, a housing shortage, and reduced transfers, among other issues. However, unless and until the Government of Canada sits down in good faith with its counterparts in Quebec and the provinces to discuss joint solutions within each of their jurisdictions, the situation is likely to remain at a standstill. I would like to make one final point. We will at least try to identify some solutions. Let us remember that, tonight, we are talking about a generation that works hard, studies hard and wants to contribute to society, yet is increasingly struggling to carve out a place in today’s economy. Let us also bear in mind that the Standing Committee on Human Resources, Skills and Social Development and the Status of Persons with Disabilities’ report on youth employment is troubling. The report notes that the youth unemployment rate reached an average of 14% in 2025, its highest level in more than a decade, excluding the pandemic. The committee also heard that full-time students are facing particularly difficult circumstances and that summer jobs are becoming increasingly scarce. I would like to take this opportunity to remind employers that the application period for the Canada summer jobs program opens today and runs until December 3. I encourage employers to take advantage of this program, which could help young people get some work experience for the first time. This program could help them. Every year, we are told that the amounts could be increased because this program is popular with both young people and employers. This is a concrete example of an area where the federal government could take action. It could also enhance the program a little. It has already done so, but it could do more to recognize the difficult employment situation young people are facing. Once again, I will leave that aside for now and encourage employers to apply for this program. Meanwhile, as we know, the cost of living is skyrocketing. Young people are facing unaffordable rent, unstable jobs, underpaid internships, difficulty accessing EI, and financial pressures that are delaying their life plans. The Bloc Québécois believes that this situation must be taken seriously. First of all, we believe that the realities of Quebec and the regions must be recognized. The report clearly shows that realities vary greatly from province to province and even from region to region. In Quebec, some regions are near full employment while others, such as the Gaspé Peninsula and the Magdalen Islands, have much higher youth unemployment rates. That is why Ottawa’s one-size-fits-all solutions do not work. Instead, the Bloc Québécois is calling for increased transfers and greater flexibility for Quebec, measures tailored to regional realities, more support for Quebec’s small and medium-sized businesses, and targeted investments in sectors that create high-quality jobs. We also believe that young workers in non-standard and seasonal employment must be protected. The report points out that many young people fall into the EI spring gap and that the current criteria no longer reflect the reality of modern jobs. That is yet another reason why the Bloc Québécois is reintroducing a bill to overhaul EI and modernize it so it aligns with the current labour market. That is coming soon. That is why the Bloc Québécois is pushing for comprehensive EI reform to incorporate a more accessible universal eligibility threshold and better protection for part-time, seasonal workers and workers with multiple jobs. The real problem is that the federal government has failed to properly plan for housing, infrastructure, economic integration and regional labour needs. Lastly, the Bloc Québécois believes that young people deserve the opportunity to study, find suitable housing, work and build a decent future. These days, too many young people feel like they are working hard without really getting ahead. We have a collective responsibility to restore their faith in the future.

“The federal government is trying to tell Quebec what to do about jobs, training, and education. These areas belong to Quebec, not Ottawa. The government needs to work with Quebec instead of trying to control everything.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, I am getting ready to make my speech, but before I do, I will try to summarize my frame of mind. Right now, at the Standing Committee on Human Resources, Skills and Social Development and the Status of Persons with Disabilities, the issue of training, employment and labour is another area where the Liberals are really trying to be paternalistic, telling Quebec what to do on a matter that falls squarely within Quebec’s jurisdiction. It is not just me saying so. The former minister of employment and labour said so last spring when he saw the Liberal government’s intentions, particularly through Bill C‑5. It is working to accelerate the economy so aggressively that it is even trying to impose its way of thinking on the education and training of our young people. What I am saying is more of a comment than a question, but I feel as though I am starting to repeat myself in this House. It is somewhat discouraging to see the government continue trying to centralize things instead of working collaboratively on these issues when they concern Quebec.

Private Members' Business ·

Relieving Grieving Parents of an Administrative Burden Act (Evan's Law)

“I support this bill and want it to pass. It lets parents keep their parental leave and employment insurance benefits if their baby dies. Right now, grieving parents have to prove their sadness to the government every two weeks to keep getting help. That is cruel. Quebec already protects parents this way, and federal workers deserve the same care. This bill is a good start, but the government still needs to fix the rest of the employment insurance system.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, this evening I am speaking to Bill C-222, which seeks to amend the Employment Insurance Act and the Canada Labour Code. This bill is sponsored by the member for Burnaby North—Seymour, and I want to commend him for introducing this legislation. It is a bill on a sensitive issue that provides for the following: ...a person to whom employment insurance benefits are payable to care for a newborn child or a child placed with them for the purpose of adoption remains eligible to receive those benefits even if the child dies during the benefit period. The bill further provides that an employee remains entitled to maternity or parental leave in the event that the employee’s newborn child, or a child placed in the employee’s care with a view to adoption, dies during the period of leave. This bill, which is non-partisan and crosses party lines, is compassionate and appropriate, as it seeks to ease the financial and psychological pressure on families who have lost a child. This is a bill that addresses a real problem, and we are confident that Quebeckers and Canadians will benefit from these measures. This is a real game-changer for families dealing with such tragedies. Let us hope that reality will prove the old saying wrong, however, because it is never too late to right the wrongs of the gutting of EI and workers’ rights that occurred under Conservative governments. Let us not forget that, over the past 10 years, minor adjustments have been made without ever addressing the profound injustices against workers and EI recipients. Despite the Liberals’ election pledges and commitments, nothing substantial has been tabled in this decade. Labour organizations in Quebec and Canada and the opposition parties, including the Bloc Québécois—which echoed the main criticisms made by the unions—have made many demands over the past decade. That is why the Bloc Québécois condemns the inaction and obstruction of the Liberals, who voted against Bloc bills and motions to support workers and allow more people to access EI. However, we are persistent and we will once again table a bill for a more comprehensive reform of EI. Let us get back to the bill before us. As we saw during the committee study of the current bill sponsored by the member for Burnaby North—Seymour, the cabinet and the Prime Minister quickly made a commitment to the Liberal member to offer their support and a promise that his private member’s bill would receive the necessary royal recommendations, a crucial step for any private member’s bill requiring new public funds. I will quote a few figures. Infant mortality has remained relatively stable since the early 2000s in Quebec. The Institut de la statistique du Québec has counted approximately 380 child deaths before the age of one. The infant mortality rate for both sexes is 4.9 per 1,000 births. In the rest of Canada, the rate is slightly higher but not statistically significant. Among the countries of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, or OECD, we have one of the lowest infant mortality rates in the world. Fortunately, this tragic occurrence is pretty rare, as we can see from the figures. Having seen the Liberals’ tendency to cite the state of the public finances whenever they want to justify saying no, whether to a comprehensive reform of the Employment Insurance Act or to old age security benefits for those aged 65 to 74, the low infant mortality rate means that this enhancement to the EI program and the Canada Labour Code should come at very little cost. For those affected by such tragedies, however, a measure such as Bill C-222 would make all the difference and allow claimants to grieve with greater peace of mind, free from financial anxiety. As we see time and again, Quebec is at the forefront when it comes to socially oriented public policies. Thanks to the Quebec Parental Insurance Plan, or QPIP, Quebeckers already have a social safety net with the same criteria as those set out in Bill C-222. It is understood that a claimant may apply for QPIP benefits even if a child dies after a claim has been initiated. By contacting the plan’s customer service department, claimants can receive the information and assistance they need from a representative. As a result, they receive personalized support tailored to their needs. The plan also specifies that the death of a child has no effect on benefit payments, since QPIP provides for a grace period following pregnancy or childbirth. Naturally, this also applies if a parent is grieving the loss of a child. It is worth noting that, in 1972, Quebec passed the Crime Victims Compensation Act, which allows victims to receive compensation and the care they need to recover. This law sets out a financial compensation regime for any income losses the victim experiences. In December 2007, without specifically addressing the death of a child, the Quebec act respecting labour standards with regard to absences and leave included provisions that provided compensation for employees who are victims of crime, employees who have lost a loved one as a result of a criminal act or suicide and employees whose child goes missing. The Bloc Québécois believes that workers who are employed by a federally regulated businesses should have the same protections. Furthermore, there is a clear parallel between Bill C-222 and Quebec’s political action. It is also worth noting that, when the committee tabled its report in the House on May 29, 2026, the bill’s sponsor was particularly proud that his government gave royal recommendation to his bill. That is great. That is the pivotal stage where the executive branch must give its approval when a private member’s bill requires a commitment of public funds. It is important to point out that this is the fourth time in the history of Canada that a private member’s bill has managed to make it past this legislative step. The member also mentioned that there are approximately 1,600 Canadian families a year who experience the death of a child. According to him, it is unconscionable to ask parents to contact Service Canada every 14 days to justify their need for employment insurance sickness benefits. Bill C-222 seeks to address this cold and callous measure under which parents cease to be eligible for parental benefits. The amendments presented at report stage were specifically intended to prevent benefits from ending abruptly. They would allow parental benefits to continue, whether under the standard 40-week benefit period or the extended 69-week benefit period, including in cases where benefits have been extended because of a child’s hospitalization. If a child tragically dies at the end of a parent’s EI benefits period, each parent will be eligible for five additional weeks. In addition, the bill provides for a 17-week extension of bereavement leave with job protection. Lastly, grieving parents will only have to submit an attestation, sparing them the burden of submitting documentation every two weeks. To achieve this result, the Liberals tried to put forward some amendments to their colleague’s bill in committee, but several were ruled out of order by the chair because they required a royal recommendation. Furthermore, the parliamentary secretary had very little understanding of the amendments she was proposing and was of little help. Things were a bit confusing in committee, which significantly slowed down the work. Finally, the Liberals proposed amendments on May 27, 2026. It should be noted that these provisions are very similar to the ones that were rejected by the committee chair because they all involved expenditures and therefore required a royal recommendation from the government. For example, one amendment sought to add a new ground for extending the benefit period under section 10 of the Employment Insurance Act if a claimant’s child dies during the period in which parental benefits may be paid. This amendment would ensure that a claimant can receive up to 26 additional weeks of EI parental benefits after the death of their child. Parents came to testify in committee and their stories were deeply moving. Tears were shed during the committee’s proceedings. It was not easy. The parents simply asked us to allow them to grieve in peace and, above all, without having to battle bureaucracy. Honestly, I do not think anyone ever fully recovers from the tragic death of a child. I am thinking of those bereaved parents. The Bloc Québécois is, of course, in favour of this bill, because our political party has always advocated measures that go even further. We have consistently maintained that a 50-week period is appropriate. We have long advocated for this through the “Émilie Sansfaçon” bill. Although different, our proposal was intended to assist claimants facing a serious illness. Through this motion, the government is proposing to extend this period to 52 weeks. We welcome this measure, having long maintained that a stillbirth, a miscarriage or sudden infant death are profoundly traumatic experiences. We therefore agree that parents should be entitled to a 52-week period of respite to grieve, heal and come to terms with the loss of a child. All that remains is to take action on behalf of seriously ill workers. This is a battle that still needs to be fought, and for which we have already tabled the “Émilie Sansfaçon” bill. We must stop inflicting financial distress on these workers, as it is profoundly unfair. This is a good start tonight. It is an important step, but it is far from the end of the fight.

Oral Questions ·

Labour

“I oppose this bill. It gives the minister the power to end strikes and force employees back to work. No other G7 country allows this. The government is trampling on workers' rights.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, Bill C‑39 continues to raise concerns. Yesterday, the United Steelworkers sounded the alarm regarding workers’ rights: The power the government is trying to give [the] minister here is a power that does not exist in other G7 countries. Even in the United States...there is no such power to force an end to a strike and send employees back to work. This is something that...should send a signal. There are a lot of red flags being raised.... No other G7 country goes as far as Bill C‑39. Why do the Liberals want to continue trampling on workers’ rights?

Oral Questions ·

Labour

“I oppose this bill because it attacks workers' rights. The government is taking away people's right to strike, and major unions are fighting it. The minister needs to rethink this plan.”
  • Opposition question in Question Period

    Respect 81 of 100

    This statement targeted a person rather than their actions or views: “Does she finally realize that she needs to go back and do her homework?”.

    See full analysis
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, Bill C‑39 is also an attack on workers’ rights. The Liberals are curtailing the right to strike through their interpretation of section 107 of the Canada Labour Code. The Canadian Union of Public Employees has already announced its intention to challenge this decision in court. The Canadian Labour Congress argues that it undermines decades of job stability. Another trade union has warned that it could encourage employers to bargain in bad faith. Quite simply, the minister has succeeded in uniting everyone—against her. Does she finally realize that she needs to go back and do her homework?

Government Orders ·

Business of Supply

“Big web companies take most of the ad money and do not pay their fair share here, which hurts local media. The government also promised $600 million to help the cultural sector, but has still not paid it. I want the government to promise to pay that $600 million right away.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, I would like to point out once again that we are talking about culture, of course. Personally, what I would have liked to hear my colleague talk about is the fact that the cultural sector is currently being deprived of significant revenue from levies and, above all, the $600 million that had been promised to them as compensation has still not been paid out. My colleague talks about the media. As I mentioned earlier in my speech, local media outlets, in particular, are struggling to attract advertising because, obviously, it is the greedy web giants that are taking the lion’s share of the revenue. What is more, they are not paying their fair share here, while local and community media outlets are trying to find ways to get by. In this context, I would have preferred to hear my colleague commit to handing over the $600 million as soon as possible.

In response to a question from Jean-Denis Garon

“The government needs to share its funding better. Too much money goes to the CBC, leaving too little for local and community news outlets that must fight big internet companies. Festivals and major events also need more support, because their funding has not kept up with rising costs.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, it is now 2026. This is not the 1980s anymore, and times have changed. As I demonstrated earlier, the example of media funding is striking. We have nothing against the CBC, but local and community media outlets have made it very clear to us that there is simply too little left for them. A better balance should have been found given that circumstances have changed. Local and community media are now struggling to compete with these greedy web giants. Here is an example of a policy that is no longer relevant in 2026. The government boasts about supporting events. However, I recently met with Festivals and Major Events Canada, who told us that although they did receive a little more funding, it was not enough to keep pace with inflation and rising costs. They need more support. There is also a direct link between tourism and major events, and between culture, which has a powerful ability to attract—

In response to a question from Gérard Deltell

“The government backed down to big tech companies, costing us billions of dollars. Small businesses and cultural groups in Quebec are hurting because of this. The government promised 600 million dollars to help, but it has not even delivered that money, and it is not nearly enough. The government needs to admit its failure, pay out that money, and rethink its plan.”
  • Reply to a debate question

    Relevance 94 of 100

    Of this reply, 92% addressed the question or point raised.

    See full analysis
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, I would like to thank my colleague, for whom I have a great deal of respect. I know that he also comes from a media background, and he clearly has a genuine passion for the cultural sector. I salute him. This was predictable. Fifteen months have passed, and all we have seen are setbacks. We were told it was time for “elbows up”. Earlier today, I met with businesses that are deeply concerned. The consequences are being felt across the cultural sector and by small and medium-sized enterprises throughout Quebec. Worse still, everyone is worried. Not only has the government failed to achieve any meaningful progress, but it gave in. It has tried to make up for that with token measures like this $600 million. That is nothing compared to the billions forfeited through its capitulation to the web giants. Even that $600 million remains undelivered. It amounts to little more than a band-aid on a gaping wound. I hope the government will be able to acknowledge this, deliver the $600 million and then engage in much deeper reflection. It is time we stood our ground.

In response to a question from Marilyn Gladu

“The argument about higher costs is false. Giving in to big internet companies will not stop them from raising prices. In Europe, countries stood up to them, and prices for taxpayers did not go up.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, with all due respect, I wonder whether my colleague even listened to my speech. I think we have shown that, although the government gave in to the web giants, there is no guarantee that they will not increase their rates or that taxpayers will not ultimately pay twice. They will pay for the increase, but mostly for something the government will have to fund. It is therefore a false argument. I clearly explained the affordability issue, but I want people to remember Europe’s example. These countries stood their ground and it did not lead to higher rates or higher costs for taxpayers.

In response to a question from Mario Beaulieu

“I want the House to pass our motion. American streaming companies should pay to support Canadian and French culture. The Liberal government backed down when those companies pushed back, and now taxpayers are stuck paying the bill instead. The government must make these big companies pay the fees and immediately give the cultural sector the $600 million it promised.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, my colleague from Mirabel is a tough act to follow. That said, I would like to point out that there are excellent apples in the riding of Shefford. I thank my colleague for giving me this opportunity to salute all the apple growers, who have wrapped up a great harvest season, one that is so important to the economy and agri-tourism in Shefford. Today I am speaking on a topic that is not discussed enough here in the House, but which is so very important to our identity: culture. Having studied journalism, I naturally have a particular interest in the media, especially local media. Furthermore, as the member for Shefford, I am fully aware of the magnificent cultural ecosystem that exists in the riding of Shefford. Examples include the Festival international de la chanson de Granby, the École nationale de la chanson at Cégep de Granby, the Palace—a magnificent cultural institution in Shefford—and the Maison de la culture de Waterloo. They breathe life into our economy, and I would like to pay tribute to all those who contribute to this magnificent cultural ecosystem. In the Bloc Québécois, we are keen to talk about our culture here in the House. We are also looking forward to working on this issue with our colleagues who have just been elected to the National Assembly. Like my colleagues, I want to take this opportunity to welcome them. In particular, I want to welcome Jean‑François Arsenault, the new MNA for Granby; Nathalie Boisclair, the new MNA for Daniel-Johnson; and Camille Pellerin‑Forget, the new MNA for Iberville, who has just joined the cabinet. I am sure that we will find allies willing to talk about culture because it is important. Even so, these are tough times for those working in the cultural sector. That is why this Bloc Québécois motion seeks to restore the funding sources for culture that the Liberal government took away from Quebec artists and cultural enterprises when it abandoned its policies and regulations because the major American streaming platforms refused to comply with them. However, let us not forget that those platforms’ business activities in Canada generate billions of dollars in profit every year. We are asking them to comply with Canada’s laws. I will give a bit of background. Let us remember that on May 21, 2026, the Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission, the CRTC, issued a regulatory policy based on the Broadcasting Act that was intended to force online streaming companies to triple their investment in Canadian programming by allocating 15% of their revenue to the creation of local content, rather than 5%. Thirty per cent of that amount was to be allocated to French programming. This CRTC decision is particularly important when it comes to the discoverability of French content. It was also intended to ease the burden on traditional broadcasters by decreasing their current contribution of 30% to 45% to just 25%. Thus, the modernized framework proposed by the CRTC set this contribution at 25% for traditional broadcasters and 15% for online streamers. Total contributions were to represent a stable contribution level of over $2 billion for Canadian programming, a figure that would serve as a floor, not a ceiling. What is more, companies in both these sectors with annual revenues of $100 million or more were also required to allocate a minimum of their revenue to programming produced by francophone minority communities. Let us not forget that Canadian revenues earned by U.S. streaming platforms such as Netflix, Disney+, Amazon and Prime Video are estimated at no less than $4 billion, which is quite a significant amount. Following the release of the CRTC’s cultural policy, there was a political chain reaction. Three things happened. First, the American companies refused to contribute. Second, the Conservative Party defended the United States and digital billionaires. Third, the Liberal government backed down and overturned the CRTC’s decision. The major American streaming platforms got up in arms. Apple, Amazon and Spotify were already before the courts to challenge the previous obligation to contribute only 5%. What is more, Meta is still blocking the sharing of news on Facebook and Instagram, which has an impact on local media. I would like to commend Marie‑Ève Martel for her book entitled Extinction de voix, which reminds us of the importance of local media. It is certainly not easy to get advertising when news stories are not shared. In short, things are starting to get complicated for local media in today’s media ecosystem. In fact, the Conservative Party sided with the U.S. web giants, citing fears of U.S. retaliation, and called on the government to block the CRTC’s decision so as not to require Netflix, Disney+, Amazon and others to invest 15% of their revenue in Canadian local content. The leader of the Conservative Party even expressed concern that Donald Trump might increase tariffs in response to the Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission, or CRTC, decision. He even wrote a letter to the Prime Minister, and the Liberal Prime Minister listened. Let us not forget that, under the CRTC’s policy, Canadian companies contributed more than American companies. However, between American and Canadian companies, the two leaders made a choice: They chose American companies. Faced with the appetite of U.S. web giants, the Liberal Prime Minister decided to put Quebec’s cultural industry on the menu. As we know, on June 3, 2026, less than two weeks after the CRTC adopted its Broadcasting Regulatory Policy 2026, the Minister of Canadian Identity and Culture ordered the CRTC to review its new policy. However, by announcing the new requirements for large foreign streaming services, the CRTC was acting pursuant to the Online Streaming Act, which was passed in 2023 and sought to modernize the Broadcasting Act to include and regulate online streaming platforms. The act requires the CRTC to modernize the broadcasting framework and ensure that online streaming services contribute significantly to Canadian content. The reasoning behind the Online Streaming Act and the CRTC’s regulatory policy remains just as valid. The transformation of the ways people can access cultural content has moved a significant portion of audiences toward digital platforms. That has to be acknowledged. Audience habits have changed. Traditional broadcasters are required to contribute to the funding of the broadcasting system, but digital platforms are not subject to the same rules. The Online Streaming Act aims to fix this by making all companies that benefit from the Canadian market contribute. By suspending the CRTC’s policy, the government is doing more than undermining the democratic process that led to the adoption of the act and the levies policy. It also raises serious concerns about the CRTC’s mandate and its role in shaping cultural and communications policy. The CRTC regularly holds hearings or public consultations, at which members of the public, businesses, artists, associations and community groups have their say. In other words, government intervention is actually quite a shift away from the usual model of governance for culture and communications. One might even say that this is yet another setback for democracy. This is precisely why Catalina Briceño, a professor at the School of Media at the Université du Québec à Montréal, said that the argument of affordability used to justify scrapping levies for online platforms is misleading, because online companies can still raise their prices and the government has gained nothing in return for scrapping the levies. It has not even secured a commitment from the platforms to not raise prices. The liberal argument regarding affordability can also be refuted based on the European experience, where similar policies have not caused prices to go up. The European Union stood its ground. It adopted the Audiovisual Media Services Directive, enabling member states to impose financial obligations on online streaming platforms. France requires contributions of up to 20% of revenue generated within its territory, a point also raised as an argument by the Coalition for the Diversity of Cultural Expressions. Time is running out. Bloc Québécois members could talk about this for a long time because we are passionate about protecting our culture and our language. At the end of the day, the Liberal Prime Minister may as well have said that Quebec culture is too expensive and American entertainment is better. That is what prompted Union des artistes president Tania Kontoyanni to describe the whole situation as catastrophic and deeply discouraging. To save face when it suspended the levy on web giants, the Liberal government pledged $600 million per year in public funds for Canada’s audio and audiovisual industries. That money has yet to materialize. Even more absurd is the fact that Ottawa is offering to pay, on behalf of streaming platforms, the levies that fund Canadian content creation. In other words, taxpayers will have to foot the bill instead of American billionaires. This is completely absurd. Essentially, the government is offloading its responsibilities—adopting regulations, raising enough revenue and properly supporting culture—onto Canadians. This is why the Bloc Québécois motion calls on the government to “make the interim payment of $600 million promised to the cultural sector for the current year” and to “uphold the Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission’s decisions imposing levies on streaming services”. What is really sad is the fact that the government not only sacrificed culture, but got absolutely nothing in return. We will continue to speak out against that. With that, I am ready to answer my colleagues’ questions.

“The government says it supports culture, but it ignores local and community media. Big internet companies take ad money and do not pay their share, which hurts our local news. Without local media, no one will report on the culture in our regions.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, my colleague opposite boasts about helping culture by helping Radio-Canada, among others. We have nothing against Radio-Canada. The issue is that, too often, the government’s support completely ignores local and community media, which are part of Quebec’s cultural and media ecosystems. Not enough is set aside for them. However, they are among the first to pay the price for this injustice. On top of not paying their share, the web giants are also collecting all the advertising revenue, which is hurting local media on the ground. On top of that, there is a double loss. Since there are fewer local media outlets, who is going to talk about culture, about what is happening at home, in Granby, if not the local media? Who is going to talk about what is happening in the Gaspé and Abitibi? Local media plays an essential and important role, but it is being completely ignored by the government.