MEMBER OF PARLIAMENT

Corey Hogan

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Hogan advocates for accelerating major energy and infrastructure projects under Bill C-39 while maintaining record oil and gas output and supporting the forestry sector. He argues that Canada’s position is strong by asserting economic success, noting, “we created more jobs than the U.S. last year.”Written by AI from their statements. Updated .

Average grade
B+
82 / 100 over 32 statements
Signal 73 / 100
Relevance 80 / 100
Respect 100 / 100
Clarity 87 / 100
Averaged over the 32 of 32 statements graded so far.

In their own words

Loses points more than most for

Statements 32

Oral Questions ·

Finance

In response to a question from Dane Lloyd

“That is not how it works. The Bank of Canada says high prices come from world energy costs. In Alberta, we have 67,000 new jobs this year and record oil, gas, and diesel production. That is how we make life affordable and make Canada strong.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, of course, that is not how any of that works. If we look at the Bank of Canada’s report, it says the inflation is driven by global energy prices. It is undeniable. However, there is good news in my home province of Alberta. There are 67,000 new jobs since the start of the year. We are seeing record production of oil and gas. We are seeing record diesel production up 16%. That is how we tackle affordability. We are making Alberta strong. We are making Canada strong.

Statements by Members ·

Canadian Forestry Industry

“The forestry industry is vital to Canada, even though it faces challenges from U.S. trade actions and fewer people buying newspapers. Next week, our government will release a new plan to support the forestry sector.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, last week, Canadians marked National Forest Week, and sector leaders from across the country gathered in Ottawa at the Forest Products Association of Canada’s annual conference to strengthen this vital sector. There is no question that U.S. trade actions and the decline of newsprint have made for some challenging years, but we are a nation of forests. Forestry quite literally built this country, and forestry will continue to build this country. Next week, we will release our forestry strategy. This strategy will build on the work of the forest sector transformation task force and the action plan released this spring. I want to recognize the workers, innovators, researchers, indigenous partners and industry leaders whose dedication helps keep our forest community strong, last week, this week and every week. When forestry is strong, Canada is strong.

Oral Questions ·

International Trade

In response to a question from Chris Malette

“Canada is a world leader in energy like nuclear power, and other countries want to work with us. We may sell Canadian nuclear reactors to Turkey. This will create jobs and open new markets for Canadian workers and businesses.”
Official Hansard

Madam Speaker, Canada has world-leading expertise in LNG, civil, nuclear and emerging energy technologies, and partners around the world want what we have. This week in Turkey, the Prime Minister highlighted how Canada can support their energy diversification goals and said AtkinsRéalis now has good chances of supplying Canadian-designed CANDU reactors to power the Turkish economy. This means opportunities for Canadian suppliers and workers across the nuclear sector, including in that member’s riding. We are opening new markets and we are building Canada strong.

Oral Questions ·

Natural Resources

In response to a question from David McKenzie

“Our record is strong. This year brought 62,000 jobs, record oil and diesel production, lower housing costs in Calgary, and support for renewable energy. We achieved this by working together and finding balance.”
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Official Hansard

Madam Speaker, with great respect to my colleague, 62,000 jobs this year sounds like an awful lot of action to me. That is also combined with record oil production and record diesel production. We are also seeing rents and housing prices go down in Calgary. We have done that by finding a balance and working together. That is also supporting renewable energy in Calgary, a centre of all energy production. I am happy to stand by the record and inform the colleague and his constituents about it.

In response to a question from David McKenzie

“The oil tanker ban protects the north coast, and it has existed in some form since the 1980s. At the same time, oil and gas production is at a record high, we have a pipeline to the west coast, and jobs are up by 62,000 in Calgary this year.”
Official Hansard

Madam Speaker, the tanker ban, while enshrined in law under the Trudeau government, of course has existed on a voluntary basis since the 1980s under Mulroney, Campbell, Chrétien, Martin and Harper, and continues to be a cornerstone of protecting the north coast. We are seeing record production in oil and gas. We have a west coast pipeline because we have come to a place of agreement through memorandums of understanding with British Columbia and Alberta. In the member’s region of Calgary, which is also my region, jobs are up 62,000 this year.

Adjournment Proceedings ·

Adjournment Proceedings

In response to a question from Pat Kelly

“The Trans Mountain pipeline cost a lot because the previous Conservative government mishandled consultations on Northern Gateway. Still, the pipeline is very profitable and good for the economy. We already have about four pipeline projects under construction since this summer, and we plan to start building another one on the west coast by next September.”
Official Hansard

Madam Speaker, I will also mention northern gateway. The Harper government’s failure to properly manage the consultations on that was one of the consequences that led to TMX being such an expensive project. We have learned a lot. We have developed as a nation. Jurisprudence has gone along there. Even though the costs were high, I will also say that TMX is an incredibly profitable pipeline in a real sense and also in the economic lift sense. There is much going on that many Canadians are very excited about. We are seeing development occur. The member talked about shovels in the ground. There are a number of projects with shovels in the ground. We have the sunrise pipeline, for example. We have a number of other pipelines moving. There are about four that have started construction and have had those shovels in the ground the member is looking for since this summer. I think we can anticipate more. As has already been discussed, we are shooting for shovels in the ground on the big pipeline, Pacific link, that west coast pipeline, by September of next year.

In response to a question from Pat Kelly

“Our government is fixing rules that have slowed down building for years, including under the Conservatives. We built the Trans Mountain pipeline, oil production is up, and emissions are down. In Calgary, jobs are up while housing prices and rents are down. Our plan is working, and we should all support this bill.”
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Official Hansard

Madam Speaker, I thank my colleague and appreciate his work on natural resources. There are a number of things I want to go through that he discussed. I will take them in the order that he presented them. He discussed a number of different things that occurred over the last 10 years. He failed to mention, however, that the regulatory burden has increased in Canada, yes, but it had increased, in an unbroken sense, through the Harper years as well. What we are doing with Bill C-39 is rationalizing systems that have become burdensome, not just under the Trudeau government but under many governments before. That is work we should all support in the House. The member talked about the northern gateway pipeline and purported to say that it was killed by a Liberal government. I would observe that the approval was actually struck down by the Supreme Court first because of the failure of a Conservative government to follow due processes there. That is a reminder to us that we need to make sure that in this Canadian context, we are doing things prudently and wisely. Running things through is not how things get built in Canada. Things get built in Canada through collaboration between a federal government and the provinces, first nations and those who have come after. Collaboration is the name of the game. The member also mentioned the tanker ban. While the tanker ban was enshrined in law during the Trudeau years, it has existed since the 1980s under the Mulroney, Campbell, Chrétien, Martin and Harper governments, before it was enshrined in law. In fact, it was never tested in that time. There is often misinformation going around that tankers are still running through that area. That is not the case. I have heard it many times, so I will pre-empt that. When the member talked about pipelines not being built, he failed to mention TMX, a pipeline that was built and in fact reduced our reliance on the United States significantly. It is the only reason we are not 100% reliant on the United States for export. I will also say that while I too have my challenges with the approach to energy generation and production in the Trudeau years, we did see oil production increase by 34% in Canada at a time when global oil production increased in the same period by six per cent. We did that while reducing emissions by six per cent, while the population increased 15%. Although the record is mixed, there are many positives in there as well. We are currently seeing record oil and diesel production. If we want to talk about our region of Calgary, as the member and I share a region, we are seeing a lot of positivity. Housing prices are down, rents are down, and there has been an increase of 62,000 jobs since the start of this calendar year. It seems to me that our plan is working.

In response to a question from Michael Cooper

“The minister took action as soon as she found out about the issue. An independent review is already happening, and the Auditor General said doing another review would not help.”
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Official Hansard

Madam Speaker, this is a question that has come up a number of times. The minister acted when she found out. There is an independent review under way. The Auditor General has found that additional action by the Auditor General would not add value. At this point, that is where the record stands.

In response to a question from Michael Cooper

“The minister acted as soon as she learned about this problem. She could not act before she knew. Using tax dollars properly matters. An independent group is already reviewing this organization, and I look forward to seeing the results.”
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Official Hansard

Madam Speaker, we, in the House, have had this question come up a number of times, and I am happy to reiterate some of the basic facts and maybe get into them in the returns. The reality is simple. When the minister found out, the minister acted. It is not reasonable to expect the minister to act before she found out on its surface. It is important that tax dollars are used properly. That is a fundamental principle of any democracy. That is a fundamental principle of any government. We have an independent review of the organization’s governance and structure under way in a third-party audit of the organization’s findings. This is the start of any such process. This is what proper governance looks like. The Auditor General would agree, as she found that doing a study herself would be “duplicative and therefore of limited added value for Parliamentarians and Canadians.” There is a process under way. We follow the rules in this country. We follow due process in this country. I look forward to hearing the results, as I know all Canadians do, and to making sure that we can further protect the spending of Canadian dollars.

Private Members' Business ·

Canada Labour Code

“I do not want this bill to pass. It completely removes the minister's power to step into labour disputes. The government has another bill that keeps that power as a last resort, but adds strict rules so it can only be used during major national emergencies.”
  • A repeated line

    “We must protect Canadian workers while strengthening our country's economic resilience.”

    Said 3 times by 3 members since May 27.

    Every time it was said
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, this is a pivotal moment for Canada and Canadians. Global economic uncertainty continues to challenge workers, employers and communities across our country. Supply chains have been tested. Trade relationships have faced new pressures. Industries that Canadians depend on every day have had to adapt to significant change. Through all this, Canadians have demonstrated the resilience and determination that define our country. Our responsibility as a Parliament is clear. We must protect Canadian workers while strengthening Canada’s economic resilience. We must build a strong economy with the workers who keep it running. Our economy runs on Canadian workers, and we must protect workers with an economy that remains competitive, reliable and capable of withstanding shocks. Workers are the backbone of a strong Canadian economy. It is with that in mind that I rise today to speak to Bill C-247. First, I would like to thank the sponsor, the member for Winnipeg Centre, for her continued advocacy on behalf of working Canadians. While we will not always agree on how to proceed, the Government of Canada shares her commitment to ensuring that workers are treated fairly and that the collective bargaining process remains strong. The spirit behind Bill C-247 aligns with the objectives that our government strongly supports. We believe the right to strike is fundamental. We believe that negotiated agreements are always the best outcome. We believe that the responsibility for reaching those agreements belongs first and foremost to the employers and the unions. We believe that collective bargaining must remain the foundation of Canada’s labour relations system. It is a constitutional right, it is hard-fought and it is essential. I also believe in balance, prudence and tools of last resort, so I prefer to fix section 107, not to scrap it. Bill C-39 was designed with this goal: to add guardrails to section 107’s use, strengthen collective bargaining, improve labour management relationships, identify and address risks earlier and increase the likelihood that employers and unions reach negotiated agreements at the bargaining table. That is the context of the broader purpose of Bill C-39: to protect our country and its workers in turbulent times, and to ensure broad prosperity for all workers. Our economy is only as strong as our workplaces, and our workplaces are only as strong as the relationships that exist within them. More than one million employees and over 22,000 employers operate within the federally regulated private sector. They deserve a labour relations framework that is modern, balanced and effective. They deserve a system that supports good-faith bargaining, and they deserve a framework that helps parties identify problems earlier, address risks before positions become entrenched, and find solutions together. The labour measures contained in Bill C-39 are built on what we heard directly from stakeholders. The government conducted two rounds of consultations this year with unions, labour organizations, employers, employer representatives, indigenous partners and other stakeholders from across the country. We received more than 300 written submissions. Participants expressed diverse views on many issues, but some points emerged with remarkable consistency. Everyone agreed that collective agreements are best achieved through good-faith negotiations between employers and unions at the bargaining table. We also heard that Canada’s collective bargaining framework is working well in most circumstances. In fact, approximately 95% of collective bargaining relationships conclude without a work stoppage. This is an important success. Bill C-39 builds upon that. It is important that parties can resolve disputes themselves without disruption and without outside intervention. The bill addresses key risks in labour relations and would provide additional supports, tools and opportunities for parties to reach negotiated settlements earlier. It would also limit the use of section 107. Parties negotiating a first collective agreement would receive additional support from the federal mediation and conciliation service and access to binding dispute resolutions after nine months of unsuccessful bargaining. The bill would also provide additional support in bargaining relationships where experience suggests negotiations may be more challenging. This includes situations where parties experienced a strike or lockout during the previous round of bargaining. It includes situations where a binding dispute resolution process was previously required. When a strike, lockout or imposed dispute resolution process occurs, it can signal deeper relationship challenges that require additional attention. In these higher-risk situations, parties would participate in postdispute remediation with the federal mediation and conciliation service and begin bargaining earlier, creating more time and opportunity to address issues before positions become entrenched. Time can often be the difference between impasse and agreement. Bill C-39 would extend the conciliation period from 60 days to 90 days, giving parties more opportunity to resolve difficult issues at the bargaining table. Taken together, these measures provide more support, more time and more opportunities for parties to reach their own agreements. Bill C-39 would prevent and resolve disputes earlier, strengthen labour management relationships and preserve free collective bargaining as the primary means of resolving workplace issues. That brings us to section 107 of the Canada Labour Code. Bill C-39 would fetter government intervention, strengthen collective bargaining and help parties reach agreements themselves. Labour measures are directed towards that objective. Views on section 107 diverge among stakeholders. Some believe that a tool should continue to exist for the most exceptional circumstances, others expressed concerns about how section 107 has been used in the past. We heard, repeatedly, a desire for greater clarity, greater transparency, stronger safeguards and clearer limits on when this authority could be considered. That is a desire common to Bill C-247 and Bill C-39. Stakeholders told us that, if section 107 was to remain in the Code, meaningful guardrails were needed around its use. That is what Bill C-39 would do. It would constrain ministerial discretion, raise the threshold for intervention and create a structured and transparent process that would have to be followed before intervention could even be contemplated. This is perhaps the most important point of this debate. Under Bill C-39, the vast majority of collective bargaining relationships would never reach a point where section 107 could even be considered. That is because there are significant gates that must first be passed. The first gate is process. A special mediator must be appointed. In the vast majority of negotiations, a special mediator will never be appointed. As I noted earlier, approximately 95% of collective agreements are successfully negotiated without a work stoppage. With the reforms proposed in Bill C-39, we are confident that that percentage will grow even higher. For the relatively small number of disputes where a special mediator is appointed, their mandate is to work intensively with both parties to help them reach their own agreement. The purpose of the special mediator is not government intervention but to help workers and employers resolve the disputes themselves. The second gate is impact. If, despite the support of a special mediator, the parties cannot reach an agreement, there must be a determination that the dispute has consequences that extend beyond the bargaining parties and rise to the level of national significance. In other words, the impacts must reach well beyond a single workplace and affect broader economic or social interests. Those impacts must be weighed alongside the importance of free collective bargaining and the charter-protected right to strike. Even then, a strike or lockout must already be under way. Only after those thresholds have been met could a minister consider whether further action may be necessary. Those are meaningful constraints, and they are consistent with strengthening labour. Those requirements introduce a degree of transparency and accountability that does not exist today. If a special mediator is appointed, the process itself is equally important. The mediator would have 21 days to work intensively with both parties. The objective throughout that process would be to reach a negotiated settlement. If an agreement cannot be reached, the mediator will prepare a report outlining the issues in dispute, the position of the parties and recommendations for moving forward. The parties will receive that report and have further opportunity to continue negotiation. If the dispute remains unresolved, the report would become public. Canadians would be able to understand the issues, the challenges and the basis upon which the decisions were made. That transparency is one of the central reforms contained within Bill C-39. The minister would then have to consider the mediator’s report, assess the broader impacts of the dispute, weigh the importance of free collective bargaining and the charter-protected right to strike and determine whether reasonable alternatives remain available. In other words, the minister would have to demonstrate why intervention may be necessary. Let me be clear about what this would mean in practice. Most collective agreements will remain on a normal collective bargaining path. Most negotiations will never require a special mediator. Most disputes will never reach the threshold of national significance. As a result, the vast majority of bargaining relationships will never enter a process where section 107 could even be contemplated. Workers and employers will continue to do what they have always done, which is negotiate agreements directly with one another at the bargaining table. That remains the heart of Canada’s labour relations system. That remains the preferred outcome. That remains the objective of Bill C-39. Bill C-247 raises important questions about the future of section 107. Our government’s response is clear. The best way to protect collective bargaining is not to focus exclusively on exceptional circumstances; it is to strengthen the system as a whole, and Bill C-39 does that. Bill C-39 encourages earlier engagement, helps parties identify risks before they escalate, strengthens labour management relationships and introduces greater transparency and accountability into the system. It also places meaningful guardrails around section 107 so that it remains a true measure of last resort. Most importantly, it preserves and strengthens free collective bargaining as the foundation of Canada’s labour relations framework. That is what stakeholders told us they wanted and what Bill C-39 delivers, which is why I encourage all members of the House to support Bill C-39 when the time comes.

Oral Questions ·

Taxation

In response to a question from David Bexte

“I want people in Alberta to vote on October 19. Alberta added 83,000 jobs this year, and rent and housing costs are down. Things are still expensive, but we will keep working to make life more affordable.”
Official Hansard

Madam Speaker, as this is my last chance before Alberta votes on October 19, I wanted to start by saying that, if we say we are going to “stand on guard for thee”, we can stand in line to vote and make sure we vote when the referendum comes. On the question the member asked, I want to identify that, in Alberta, we created 83,000 jobs in the last year. Rents are down, and housing prices are down. Affordability is a concern. There is more to do, and we will do it with that member’s support.

Government Orders ·

Building Canada Strong Act

In response to a question from Dan Albas

“This bill will give farmers and shippers more certainty. The rail rules are temporary for now so we can test them and build a stable system. I look forward to the member's ideas at the committee stage.”
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Official Hansard

Madam Speaker, I certainly believe it would increase certainty within all those sectors. What I would put back to my colleague is that, just as under Harper and just as under Trudeau, these rules would be provisional. There are challenges we want to work through in the longer term, and we want to make sure we can get to a transportation sector that is stable and well working. I certainly welcome the member’s additional commentary at the committee stage.

In response to a question from Karim Bardeesy

“I support this bill. Right now, communities often face five or six separate government consultations for one project. This bill combines them into a single meeting to save people time and make discussions better.”
Official Hansard

Madam Speaker, I am very happy to. I think we can all appreciate, as we have grown in understanding about the complexity of projects, the impact on the environment and the impact on communities, that more federal departments have been brought into the conversation. Those conversations have become more robust. The challenge, however, has become that our organization as a government has presented additional stacking of consultations and demand on the communities that we are hoping to support through these initiatives. What Bill C-39 would do is bring all that to one table and allow a robust conversation to occur that would take into consideration all the benefits, all the drawbacks, all the challenges and all the opportunities, and do so in a way that would be much more respectful of time. There are many horror stories of people having to be subjected to five or six consultations. Let us get it down to one and make it a better one.

In response to a question from Maxime Blanchette-Joncas

“This bill does not give projects final approval before reviews are done. It only promises approval if a project meets every safety and environmental rule at the end. This removes political uncertainty.”
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Official Hansard

Madam Speaker, I want to be precise, so I will respond in my mother tongue. It is a question of where we put a political approval. It is not saying that we have purchased the car. In fact, it is saying that we will purchase the car if it looks like it did in the advertisement. What we see with this particular approach is that we would be removing the uncertainty that comes from politics but saying that approval would be conditional upon all the other regulatory approvals’ being met by the decision document at the end of the process.

In response to a question from Dan Albas

“Transportation and linear projects have different challenges than other projects. I want the committee to study this issue and see if we can address the member's concerns.”
Official Hansard

Madam Speaker, I think the member opposite will also appreciate that there are different considerations, both in transportation because of the nature and the concentration that exists, and also in linear infrastructure and the challenges that are presented there as well. I certainly welcome the member’s comments, and I hope that at committee we can flesh this out. Perhaps there are opportunities to meet his concerns as we advance on this.

“I want the House to pass this bill. It will speed up government reviews for major building projects so decisions are made within one year. It cuts delays without lowering our environmental rules or ignoring Indigenous rights.”
Official Hansard

Madam Speaker, it is my pleasure to rise in support of the proposed building Canada strong act. I was next to the Prime Minister when, in my home city of Calgary last spring, he announced our party’s intention to speed up approval timelines while maintaining the robust environmental and social standards of which Canada is rightly proud. He talked about needing political decisions to come at the start of the regulatory process rather than lurking out there as question marks until the very end. He talked about departments working through reviews concurrently and getting promptly to a yes or a no. He talked about certainty and clarity for businesses, workers, communities, indigenous partners and governments. He talked about pragmatism. The Prime Minister’s stated aim, then as now, is to make Canada the best-performing country among the 38 members of the OECD, the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. At the time, that meant reducing approval timelines to two years. However, the world will not wait for us. We have learned valuable lessons from the work of the Major Projects Office, for example. As Wayne Gretzky famously said, we must skate to where the puck is going to be, not where it has been. We must continue to push ourselves. We must uphold the standards and ambitions that define us as Canadians, while acting quickly enough to attract investment, both from here and abroad. By doing so, we are contributing to our country’s success. We are supporting good jobs, we are supporting strong communities, we are diversifying our trade and we are fostering the development of our industries here in Canada. It would be one project, one decision and one year. If we do this right, and we will, we would set the conditions for a generation of smart prosperity. The bill would find faster and better ways to reach the same objectives. We want to continue being a world leader in environmental and social standards, and we must continue to respect treaty rights and advance economic reconciliation, but we know we can do those things faster and better. In any large organization, decisions inevitably accumulate over time. A rule is created in response to a new technology. A new rule is introduced to address an emerging technology. A court decision changes an established process. An event alters our understanding of an issue or exposes a weakness that we move quickly to correct. A new manager introduces a new approach, which is layered onto existing practices. It goes on like that, often for years. Viewed individually, each decision makes sense. It meets a need. It is appropriate. However, we do not always take the time to assess the cumulative effect of all these decisions. Processes can become complicated, frustrating and slow, sometimes even redundant and counterproductive. Let us consider the expansion of consultation, which is a very good thing, and how it has intersected with our current system of reviews that occur one after the other: CER reviews, then DFO reviews, then ECCC reviews, and so on through all of the relevant departments, and at each step, a consultation occurs. While a billion-dollar company may be equipped to do four or five consultations, a concerned father of three, a first nation of 300 people or a rural municipality with a yearly budget of $10 million might not be. Consultation fatigue sets in and consultation quality suffers. Participants in early stages do not benefit from understanding the accumulated benefits and impacts that are only apparent when all the reviews have occurred. We can all agree, I am sure, that a better approach is to have all stakeholders at the table and all considerations on the table, to respect everyone’s time and capacity. That is better, and that is also faster. This bill would also create regions of national interest. If we know that a region is important for critical minerals, clean energy, transportation or any other priority, regional planning allows us to look at the whole picture. That includes cumulative environmental impacts, indigenous peoples’ rights and consultations, infrastructure needs, and areas where development should or should not take place. This way, we can establish common conditions, rather than starting the federal process from scratch for each new project. More planning up front means less duplication down the road. Regional planning is not a new idea. Municipalities and provinces are doing it. As in those cases, regions of national interest provide clearer rules and greater certainty for investors. They also make it possible to better coordinate projects and have a coherent strategy. Imagine, for example, several mines using the same regional roads and power lines. That infrastructure would have already been considered for expansion in the planning process. Once again, it is a better approach and, once again, it is a faster one. All Canadians want faster and better, but those who are considering investing billions have additional considerations and weigh projects against projects all over the world. Companies base investments on two criteria: return and risk. Faster decisions get projects to production sooner and in doing so increase return, and when they build in a Canadian way, they put Canadians to work. They strengthen our economy, they strengthen our communities and they strengthen economic reconciliation. Faster decisions also reduce risk. They mean we are not foregoing opportunities and investing for years with no guarantee of return at all. Through shaping our policies, we can further reduce risk. The proposed building Canada strong act would move political reviews by cabinet from the end of the process to the start of the process, and in doing so, it would give companies the confidence that they will have political support if they can meet the regulatory rules. This is better, it attracts capital and it costs nothing. It simply moves one gate from the end of a process to the start. It would reduce no standard and would lessen no protection. This bill contains many such amendments: thoughtful, practical and, in some cases, fairly self-evident. They are highly concrete measures, such as extending certain permits, starting negotiations earlier, making greater use of mediation and assigning primary responsibility to the department that already possesses the relevant expertise. These are practical solutions to specific problems. All of these provisions, along with many others I have not discussed, pursue the same objective: improving our processes in practical ways while maintaining the high standards Canadians expect. This is a well-designed, comprehensive bill that is targeted at the specific barriers holding back investment and growth, at a time when the world sees extraordinary opportunities in Canada. I have a final thought. As a country, we are doing big things. The bill would support doing big things. We have transportation goals and electrification goals. We have trade diversification goals. Our ambition is to be a conventional energy superpower and a renewable energy superpower. Our ambition is to maintain our global lead in mining, nuclear, forestry and so much more. I am aware of a study that shows that since 2006, federal regulatory burden has increased slowly but steadily. Through the Harper years and the Trudeau years, there was an unbroken increase to 37%. To be clear, it did not increase senselessly. It increased in response to events, challenges, evolved understandings and opportunities. It served a purpose. However, in aggregate, this increase is estimated to have lowered GDP growth by 1.7 percentage points and employment growth by 1.3 percentage points in the business sector. We have created another opportunity now, one I hope all members of the House embrace. A rationalization of our processes and regulations is a healthy process any organization should do regularly. The proposed building Canada strong act is that rationalization for the federal government. It would let us build faster, build better and do that while maintaining and promoting the values that we hold dear as Canadians.

Oral Questions ·

The Economy

In response to a question from Garnett Genuis

“Things are going very well for Alberta right now. Business investment and oil production are at record highs, and people in Alberta are happy with our government.”
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Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, we hear the same again and again, but what we will not hear when we talk to actual Albertans is this kind of doom and gloom, because there has never been a better time to be an Albertan in Canada. We are seeing investments at record levels. We are seeing oil production at record levels, and we are seeing satisfaction with the federal government and our leader at record levels.

Government Orders ·

Canadian Fuel Affordability Act

“Canada's debt is among the lowest in the G7, and housing costs are down. Farmers already get tax breaks on fuel, carbon, and sales tax. Diesel is still expensive, so I want to know what the member suggests we do to help them.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, I appreciated my colleague’s comments, but I disagree with a great deal of them. Fundamentally, they are rooted in a story of Canada that is not remotely accurate. Our deficits and debts are among the best in the G7. There is so much work to do, but so much work has already occurred. Rents are down, housing prices are down and we are pushing forward on the affordability agenda with the decision we will hopefully be making at the end of this debate. I would like to talk about farmers. The member mentioned farmers, and I think it is very important that we do so. So much of what we talk about did not impact farmers, at least not the way that it did citizens in cities. They had purple gas. They were not paying the excise taxes at 13¢ provincially. It was four cents in my home province. It was four cents federally. Farming activity is not subject to the industrial carbon tax. Of course, as a business, a farm is not really paying GST in that sense. That is an input credit. Diesel is an expensive input right now, and I want to hear the member’s thoughts on what we can do to support farmers in that sense.

“Most countries dealing with high fuel costs have not cut their fuel taxes. Only a few, like Norway and Germany, tried it. I want the member to consider these examples and tell us what other ideas Canada should learn from.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, recently I came back from a G20 meeting held by the world’s largest crude oil producer, the United States, where there is a combined excise tax in Texas of 38¢ a gallon. Countries everywhere are struggling with the global effects of this war. They are exploring different ways to do this. Most have not eliminated excise taxes or even reduced them. The only two I am aware of in addition to Canada are Norway, which brought its tax back at the end of summer, on August 31, and Germany, which has reduced its tax until December. I am wondering if you consider those lessons and you think about them and the implication of these policies. When you look further abroad, are there other affordability policies you think we can learn from or that Canada should consider?

“The world is moving toward green energy, but that transition takes time. It does not help Canadians who drive gas cars and face high fuel prices today. Pausing the fuel tax helps them right now. I want to know if my colleague supports short-term relief like this.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, I agree with my colleague that energy consumption is changing globally. Perhaps I do not see it happening as rapidly as he hopes, but I agree that the world is in the process of electrifying and greening, and cost curves are clear for renewables and storage. However, that does not provide relief today to Canadians affected by price spikes driven from global uncertainty or Canadians who own combustion engine vehicles. It seems to me that postponing the excise tax is a practical and prudent response in the short term. I would ask my colleague if he sees a place for short-term affordability measures, such as the suspension of the excise tax.