Mel Arnold

In response to a question from Kurt Holman

“People in my area cannot afford basic needs. Former food bank volunteers now need food help, seniors are sleeping in their cars to afford rent, and high fuel costs make groceries too expensive. The government causes these high living costs and denies there is a problem.”

“Mr. Speaker, as I mentioned in my speech, I have visited food banks that are seeing their previous volunteers now coming in for assistance. I am seeing seniors who cannot afford to live in a rental unit for the full month. They are living in the rental unit for three weeks and living in their car for a week because they cannot afford the fourth week of rent. Under the devastating impacts of the Liberal cost of living crisis, it goes on and on. As I mentioned, there are young families choosing not to have children because they do not think they can afford it. We are seeing record high prices at the grocery stores as a result of fuel costs from farming and getting farm products into the processors and onto grocery store shelves. These are just some of the examples, and I am sure members from across this country are hearing about them, but the Liberals will continue to deny it.”

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In response to a question from John-Paul Danko

“The Liberal government has hurt Canadians for 11 years. Energy investments should have happened a decade ago, but the government held them back. Now, youth unemployment is at record highs, and young people cannot find work. The government is responsible for these problems.”

“Mr. Speaker, I would absolutely love to respond to what is happening in the real world. The real world is here in Canada, where Canadians have been kneecapped by the Liberal government for 11 years. The member talked about the investment that is happening right now, the record investment. That record investment could have happened more than 10 years ago had the Liberal government believed in the people of Canada. He talked about other records. Well, we are seeing record high youth unemployment rates, record high numbers of young people in this country who cannot find work. We have seen this. What the member has missed, because he has not been here for the full 11 years, is that his government is responsible for the reality, this real world, in Canada.”

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“This bill lowers the fuel tax, but it does not do enough. The government caused this high cost of living by blocking energy projects for 11 years. I want all federal fuel taxes removed until at least Canada Day 2027.”

“Mr. Speaker, it is always an honour to rise as the representative of Kamloops—Shuswap—Central Rockies. As I have noted previously, it is a riding that stretches from the continental divide in Yoho National Park, through the lakes and highlands of the Shuswap, to the ranching grasslands of Kamloops. It is a total of roughly 450 kilometres of Trans-Canada Highway, from east to west, and an area where people rely on vehicles that can be on the road all day, and sometimes well into the night. I know this first-hand after having traversed this great riding from end to end for months, from before the time I was elected as a federal representative in April 2025 up to and including just a couple of days ago. Today, I rise to speak to Bill C-38, the Canadian fuel affordability act. We are here late tonight debating this bill. The bill proposes to reduce the federal excise tax on gas and diesel until January 31, 2027. I propose that we are here debating more than a reduction in the fuel excise tax, and that we are here debating the Liberal government’s record on affordability over its 11-year tenure in government. This is an affordability crisis created by 11 years of Liberal government. While Bill C-38 proposes to reduce and remove the fuel excise tax until January 31, it would be a small relief for some and would only go until January 31. Canadians need so much more relief. That is why Conservatives are calling for the removal of all federal taxes on fuel until at least Canada Day 2027, and Canadians need so much more. Canadians expect their government to govern in a manner that keeps the cost of living under control and provides the services needed to help keep their country safe and sustainable. We, as elected representatives, have a duty to those residents of this great country to deliver on their expectations. However, what Canadians are paying to live under the Liberals has grown beyond the means of many. Of course, the Liberals will try to blame this on all sorts of things, like Donald Trump, the trade tariffs, the war in Ukraine and other worldly events. When it comes down to it, however, it is Liberal policies over the last 11 years that have brought on this affordability crisis. If the Liberals had not blocked progress of resource development through bills like Bill C-48 and Bill C-69, and promoted an antidevelopment agenda, Canada could have been in a position where these worldly events mattered less and we would be more self-reliant on our own energy and resources. After 11 years, we are here with a government desperately trying to develop trade with other countries, lagging behind in the development, processing and sales of liquefied natural gas and other resources the rest of the world is looking for. We have had 11 years of the Liberal government kneecapping the potential wealth growth of this country. Tonight, we have a Liberal government trying to look like the saviour from its own policies and legislation. People should not be fooled into thinking this is a new government. Many of the same architects behind those debilitating policies are still at those same seats at the cabinet table, pushing the same ideologies and not wanting to admit they are the ones responsible for the growing deficits and debt service costs that Canadians of future generations will be forced to pay. Here we are debating this tax relief bill tonight, October 20, 2026, like it is the Liberal government’s idea. However, we have a government trying to fool people into believing it is sparing them from the high costs that it has caused. In April of this year, Conservatives brought forward a motion in this House calling for the federal fuel excise tax to be removed for the rest of 2026, along with broader relief from federal costs on gasoline and diesel. It is real relief that could have been in place already had the Liberals not voted against it. As I met with people at home in the beautiful riding of Kamloops—Shuswap—Central Rockies over the summer months, and even more in recent weeks, one of the first topics of every discussion was almost always the cost of living and affordability for ordinary Canadians. When I visited food banks, I learned that some of them are seeing increases in reliant families and increases in demand ranging from 200% to 500%. The shelves that were once being stocked by volunteers are now seeing some of those same volunteers coming in for help with their grocery needs. When I talk to seniors having to decide between putting food on the table and getting a gift for a grandchild, or parents trying to stretch two family incomes to buy food and shelter for their family, or potential parents who are choosing not to have children because they do not think they can afford it, my heart aches for them. Life was not like that in Canada, not even during the global recession in the mid-2000s, and it does not need to be like that anymore. We have so much potential here in Canada, and I believe Canadians will see that potential and see that a Conservative government is what is needed to truly deal with the affordability crisis, a government that would unleash the potential of our greatest resources in this country. I do not just mean the natural resources in and on our lands and waters. I mean the people of this great country, who are willing and ready to build on the opportunity and resources we share. They can see the potential, and they know that the government has been holding back that potential. I see fuel costs at three dollars per litre for diesel at home as I drive down the highway from one end of my riding to the other. Truckers have to pay that fuel price just to get goods to grocery stores. Parents have to pay that price when they take their kids to a soccer game and even when they go to the grocery store. This has to change, and it has to be through measures that are more substantial than what the Liberals are putting forward as their idea of a saviour-type move. As I close off tonight, it is getting late here in Ottawa, near 11 p.m., and I know there are people back home who need to know that my Conservative colleagues and I will fight late into the night and beyond to bring affordability relief from the Liberal government’s ever-increasing cost of living. Those late-night watchers go beyond my wife and my family. They are the people across the Kamloops—Shuswap—Central Rockies riding and across the country who are depending on us, the official opposition, to keep reckless government spending under control and to bring them real opportunity and affordability. I thank everyone watching for caring about our country and for contacting my colleagues and I about their affordability concerns. It is their words that matter most to us on this side of the House. We are here for them late into the night. I thank everyone for watching and listening and for their support. We are, after all, here for them.”

“I want the member to explain how higher fuel costs make farming too expensive. How does that raise the price of food for Canadians?”

“Mr. Speaker, I would like to ask the member for Provencher, if he could, to further explain how some of those costs on the farms and at the farm gates are becoming almost insurmountable for some of those farmers who are working their hardest to put food on Canadian dinner plates, whether it be grains, beef or other products. How is this increased cost in fuel, which we are seeing impact things all the way down the line, impacting the actual cost on Canadian dinner plates from coast to coast to coast?”

In response to a question from Arielle Kayabaga

“The government needs to close the loophole for third-party funding. Foreign groups could spend millions of dollars to influence our elections.”

“Mr. Speaker, if the member had been listening, she would have heard me speak about the third party financing loophole. There could be millions of dollars spent by foreign entities to affect the nomination and election of candidates and representatives who are elected to ensure the security and safety of our country. If anything, this has to be the one piece that should have been addressed, and the government should recognize that.”

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“The government is taking too long to set up the foreign influence registry. This election bill also has a big loophole that lets foreign money fund third-party political ads. The Liberals voted against fixing it, just like they have delayed stopping foreign ownership in our west coast fisheries.”

“Mr. Speaker, it is an honour to rise today as the elected representative for Kamloops—Shuswap—Central Rockies. As I have previously stated in this place, all of us have a solemn responsibility to provide representation and voice to those citizens who voted for us and depend on us to be their voice here in Parliament. Canadians need us to be vigilant, and they depend on us to be their voice. We have to be ready for the challenges and dangers that emerge, and I accept that responsibility with sincere dedication to the amazing people of Kamloops—Shuswap—Central Rockies and the people of Canada. We must all take actions to prevent, mitigate and overcome challenges and dangers, including the the unintended consequences caused by the actions or the inactions of levels of government. In these times of global uncertainty, Canadians need our vigilance and actions more than at any other time. As I begin speaking to this bill, Bill C-25, the strong and free elections act, I would like to thank all of the Elections Canada workers, from the electoral district returning officers to the poll workers, the volunteers and the ever-important scrutineers who are such an important part of our democratic system here in Canada. I will speak to components of this bill, Bill C-25, and how parts of it are overdue while other parts need further debate and consideration for what is best for Canada and Canadians’ interests. After the 2021 federal election, Canadians were alarmed to hear of foreign interference in the election of candidates and members sent here to represent and defend this country’s interests. The Liberals say they care about democracy, yet they have allowed foreign actors to brazenly interfere in our elections. It was only after the Liberals got caught turning a blind eye to Beijing’s interference that they finally introduced legislation to establish a foreign influence registry in Canada. However, two years after passing that bill into law, there is still no registry. So far, we have had date after date promised and date after date missed. After years of opposing a foreign influence registry, including Conservative efforts to create one, the Liberals’ latest tactic appears to be one of endless delay. It is time for the Liberal government to finally take foreign interference seriously. It is time to get a registry up and running, today. I must say that this is uncannily similar to an issue dealt with in my role as associate shadow minister for fisheries, and that is the issue of foreign ownership of licences and quota on the west coast. The last Conservative government put in motion policies to stop the issue of controlling agreements between processors and harvesters on the east coast, where processors were limiting harvesters’ choice of where they landed their catch and how much they received for their catch. In the following years, legislation and regulations were put in place to end those controlling agreements and protect local fish harvesters and their communities on the east coast. In May 2019, the Standing Committee on Fisheries and Oceans tabled a report titled “West Coast Fisheries: Sharing Risks and Benefits”. In that report, there were 20 recommendations to government that would have helped meet the aspirations of fish harvesters, especially young fishers, to carry on their careers and family traditions and contribute to building economically, socially and culturally vibrant west coast communities. In 2023, four years later, that same fisheries committee undertook another study to produce yet another report, titled “Foreign Ownership and Corporate Concentration of Fishing Licences and Quota”. The testimony we heard during that second report was alarming in that after four years, the government had taken almost no action to identify who the beneficial owners of licences and quota are on the west coast. In fact, what we basically heard was that it has no idea. It is now seven years since that first report on the issue was tabled in the House, and the Liberal government has yet to address the issue and put in place any significant measures to protect our independent harvesters on the west coast. That is why I say that Bill C-25 and the west coast fisheries issues have something in common. It is delay, delay, delay. If the Liberals do not find it important enough to create a foreign influence registry or to investigate whether foreign entities own licences and quotas, and who controls, catches and processes our Canadian seafood, then Conservatives will hold them accountable, and we hope that Canadians will expect that accountability from their government. Another component of the bill that I want Canadians to be aware of is the third party financing loophole. Bill C-25 would create a wide open loophole through which foreign money could still be used by third parties for partisan activity, partisan advertising and election surveying. Specifically, if contributions to a third party amount to 10% or less of its annual revenue in the year prior to a fixed election year, it could use its own funds to pay for, among other things, partisan activity and advertising. A third party’s own funds do not have to come from Canadian citizens or permanent residents and do not have to be reported in the same way. With fixed election periods, it is very easy for third parties and foreign interests to predict when an election may be. A foreign interest could funnel money into a third party for two or three years ahead of schedule, which would then be treated as part of the third party’s own funds. Further, 10% sounds like a small number, but it may not be. There are third parties that have a lot of money. What constitutes 10% or less of a third party’s revenue coming from contributions may in fact be millions of dollars. This means that very large third parties would be able to use their own funds for election-related expenses. Disappointingly, the Liberals voted against our amendments to close these wide open loopholes in the bill. I raise these points as part of this debate because that is what we as elected representatives are sent here to do, to scrutinize legislation and make it the best it can be. What we have seen from the government since I first came here in 2015 is not the best legislation it could be. Conservatives will continue to call on the Liberal government to strengthen Canada’s position against foreign actors who seek to influence our economies and our democracy.”

“I oppose the government cutting debate short on this bill. The Liberals are behind on their schedule, and they are not letting us do our job of debating bills for Canadians.”

“Mr. Speaker, after 11 summers in the House, it is interesting to see what happens, typically, every year in June, under this government. The Liberals cannot manage their agenda throughout the entire year, so they fall so far behind. They have put us on late-night hours, where we are sitting until midnight, and even then they have to cut debate short with these time allocation motions because they cannot handle the fact that we are here to debate on behalf of Canadians who have sent us to this place to debate the government bills and to make sure they are the best they can possibly be. I strongly oppose the time allocation motion, which will shut down debate once again, just as the Liberals have been doing in committees any time we try to hold them accountable for their failed attempts at governing this country.”

“I want the government to cancel its rule that stops federal lawyers from fully defending property rights in court cases with Indigenous groups. A recent court ruling threatens private land ownership, and the government refuses to answer my questions about it.”

“Mr. Speaker, it is always an honour to rise in the House as the elected representative for Kamloops—Shuswap—Central Rockies. Members of the House are elected to represent Canadians and to advocate on their behalf. Every one of us is sent here to represent the people, to be their voice and advocate and to work on behalf of the people we represent. These are basic and essential principles of representative government that are supposed to be upheld in this place, but the Liberal government seems to have persistent challenges in fulfilling basic requirements of representative government. On May 8, I asked if the Prime Minister would reverse government directive 14. What is directive 14? Well, it is the Liberal government’s directive on civil litigation involving indigenous peoples, which instructs federal lawyers to limit their advocacy and arguments in litigation in which they are supposed to be representing the Government of Canada, which is supposed to represent the people of Canada. In other words, even if there are sound legal arguments for government lawyers to make in defending the interests of Canadian property rights, the Liberal government has instructed its lawyers to enter the ring with their hands tied behind their backs. With directive 14, the Liberal government has disabled the representatives of the representatives elected by Canadians to fight for the interests of Canadians. The Cowichan decision stated that aboriginal title can coexist with and supersede fee simple land titles that are the primary method of private home ownership. The Liberal government’s directive 14 was the central factor in the Cowichan case. When I asked on May 8 whether the Prime Minister would reverse directive 14, the Liberal Minister of Crown-Indigenous Relations responded by dodging my question. The Liberal government issued directive 14. The government lawyers stood down as directed. The B.C. Supreme Court concluded that aboriginal title can coexist with and supersede fee simple land titles. This has directly undermined the rights of all landowners in B.C. and across Canada. The Liberal talking point and response will likely be that the Conservatives are whipping up emotions and stirring up unwarranted fear, but it is the Liberal government directive that has caused the real fear among Canadians, especially British Columbians. When a representative elected by the people stands in the House and asks if the Liberal government will discard its reckless policy that has caused so much chaos and harm, the Liberal ministers dodge the question. Constituents have contacted me to raise their personal fears for their property rights in the fallout from Cowichan, not because someone else whipped up fear but because of their own fear. The good people of Kamloops—Shuswap—Central Rockies can count on me to raise their concerns in the House, but sadly, they cannot count on the Liberal government to provide reasonable answers. The Liberal government is not representing Canadians’ interests, nor is it defending the rights of Canadians. It is refusing to answer questions raised by members of the House elected by Canadians. All of this is the opposite of how representative government should operate. Canadians deserve to know why.”