MEMBER OF PARLIAMENT

Scott Anderson

Follow by RSS

Anderson advocates for the permanent removal of the fuel excise tax and ensuring modern equipment is given to the armed forces rapidly. He frames his arguments through historical and personal comparisons, for instance, claiming the government has rediscovered “in late medieval Europe, the church sold something called indulgences.” He also champions the bill which allows victims to choose between military and civilian justice systems.Written by AI from their statements. Updated .

Average grade
B–
73 / 100 over 28 statements
Signal 59 / 100
Relevance 69 / 100
Respect 100 / 100
Clarity 97 / 100
Averaged over the 28 of 35 statements graded so far.

In their own words

Loses points more than most for

Loses points less than most for A promise with no date, no measure and no one responsible.Less often than most members.What the tags mean Thanks and tributes.Less often than most members.What the tags mean

Statements 35

Oral Questions ·

The Economy

“Food bank visits are way up in British Columbia, including for children. Fuel taxes make food cost more to grow and ship. The government should remove all federal taxes on diesel until Canada Day 2027 to lower grocery bills.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, in British Columbia alone, food banks recorded more than 250,000 visits in March, up 14% in one year. The hon. member across the aisle mentioned children. Over 75,000 of those were children. Diesel drives up the cost of growing, transporting and delivering food, putting even more pressure on grocery bills across Canada. Why will the Liberal government not adopt our Conservative plan to scrap all federal taxes on diesel until at least Canada Day 2027 and give Canadians some relief?

Government Orders ·

Business of Supply

“We are adding thousands of dollars to the debt every second. I want my colleague to explain to the Liberals again why debt is bad.”
Official Hansard

Madam Speaker, I thank my colleague for his very expensive speech, as it turns out. I just googled the debt. We are spending between $2,500 and $5,000 per second in this country on the debt. The 10-minute speech was a $3-million speech. It may only have been $1.5 million on the lower part. I would like my colleague to explain to the Liberals once again why debt is bad.

Government Orders ·

Strengthening Canada's Defence Sector Act

In response to a question from James Bezan

“The government is moving far too slowly on this bill. The Liberals keep changing their plans and have no clear direction.”
  • Reply to a debate question

    Relevance 48 of 100

    None of this reply addressed the specific point raised or the topic under debate.

    See full analysis
  • Reply to a debate question

    Signal 0 of 100

    Much of this statement went to praise, blame, greetings, routine procedure or general stories rather than reasons, requests or specific points.

    See full analysis
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, as I said before, we are moving at speeds not seen since the last ice age. These are not generationally quick speeds. These are speeds that have no direction whatsoever. The Liberals are simply meandering along and changing plans. My good colleague across the aisle is here to tell us all that this was the big plan in the first place, but there is no direction whatsoever.

In response to a question from Jean-Denis Garon

“The government has no clear plan. It spends a lot of money, makes announcements, and then keeps changing its mind. Even the parliamentary budget officer is confused about what the government is doing.”
  • Reply to a debate question

    Relevance 100 of 100

    Of this reply, 100% addressed the question or point raised.

    See full analysis
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, the logic escapes me entirely. Most governments will make a plan and then follow the plan. The Liberal government has no plan, but it spends lots of money and makes lots of announcements, and then changes the plan that it said it had in the first place. Then it changes it again and says that it meant to change it all along. Even the PBO is confused as to what direction we are going in. I think the government is similarly confused.

“The government claims this was always their plan, but that is not true. Witnesses at committee and the Parliamentary Budget Officer were confused about where this is heading. The government is just experimenting, making big announcements, and constantly changing plans.”
  • Question or comment in debate

    Signal 41 of 100

    Much of this statement went to praise, blame, greetings, routine procedure or general stories rather than reasons, requests or specific points.

    See full analysis
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, this is a bit ridiculous. The parliamentary secretary stood up for a good 10 minutes and told us all about how this was really the plan from the very beginning. He referenced that Mr. Guzman stood in committee and said that maybe it would be that. Mr. Guzman was completely confused as to what the direction of the DIA was at the time and said that he did not know and that maybe it would be that. I would like to discuss the PBO appearing before us recently, who was similarly confused as to the direction of the DIA. They have no clue. This is an experiment that is rolling out, with big announcements and changes of plans. The PBO does not even have a handle on what we are doing. I have no idea.

In response to a question from James Bezan

“The government is buying European military planes to build political ties instead of listening to what Canada's military needs. These European planes will cost taxpayers more money because they need expensive changes to work with North American defence systems. I want the government to tell Parliament if any promised jobs or benefits are actually worth these extra costs.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, the present Liberal government is simultaneously pursuing European defence procurement arrangements through SAFE and Readiness 2030, negotiating with Saab over GlobalEye and creating a new Crown corporation with sweeping powers to direct defence investment. These developments raise the serious concern that procurement decisions could be influenced by the Prime Minister’s preferred geopolitical relationship rather than the operational requirements identified by Canada’s military leadership. Take Saab’s GlobalEye airborne warning aircraft, for example. This is a project being advanced by the Defence Investment Agency itself, the very organization that Bill C-40 proposes to transform into a powerful Crown corporation. Concerns have been raised about radar coverage, aerial refuelling, and compatibility with NORAD’s secure communications networks. Will Canada be paying for additional engineering, modifications, training, infrastructure and long-term maintenance to make a European-designed surveillance platform compatible with the North American defence architecture? How does that compare with alternative surveillance aircraft already designed to operate within existing NORAD architecture? The Prime Minister frequently invokes strategic autonomy to justify his European ambitions, but autonomy is measured by whether Canada can independently operate, maintain and sustain the equipment it purchases. A European aircraft that requires expensive modifications to integrate with NORAD does not make Canada more sovereign. It just makes continental defence more expensive. If Canadian industrial participation is being used to justify a preferred supplier, Parliament and the people of Canada deserve to know whether those promised industrial benefits outweigh the additional costs. Conservatives are not opposed to European defence co-operation. We are opposed to allowing geopolitical preferences to substitute for military judgment and financial accountability. The Prime Minister is entitled to pursue closer relations with Europe, but he is not entitled to make Canadian taxpayers finance that ambition to our detriment.

In response to a question from James Bezan

“I oppose this bill. Our military badly needs new equipment, but creating a new Crown corporation will not fix the government's broken buying system. This bill also risks taking money away from Arctic defence and NORAD to buy equipment from Europe instead.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, the thoughts of this House are with the brave soldiers who were killed and badly injured at Wainwright. The fact that these young men knew and accepted the risks beforehand is what makes them the Canadian heroes we will remember. The soldiers wearing our Canadian uniforms are well renowned for peacekeeping and asymmetrical warfare even with outdated equipment. They serve aboard aging ships, fly in old airplanes and train with equipment that was new over half a century ago. I know this because I was in that equipment only 15 years ago, in simpler times when war was far away from our shores. That was at a time when grey-zone warfare was just a concept for novels. After more than a decade of the Liberals sidelining Arctic sovereignty and continental defence, the need for rebuilding our armed forces is obvious to everyone. Our geostrategic reality has shifted over the past decade while the Liberals have slept, and we can no longer ignore the attacks against the west by foreign powers. This is not the bogeyman to the south, who the Liberals blame for everything, but our real enemies, the ones actively engaged in grey-zone warfare against us: Russia and China. In Afghanistan, we could afford to use older equipment because our outdated tanks and borrowed logistics were still generations ahead of anything the Taliban could send. They were good enough. Today, we live in a different world. Cyber-attacks and other grey-zone warfare is on the rise. If we are going to protect our northern sovereignty, we must rearm with first-class modern hard power. The government’s own figures show the urgency to update and fill our forces. In 2024-25, serviceability across key fleets stood at 59% for maritime equipment, 51% for land equipment and 42% for aerospace equipment. These describe serious constraints on what our military could do even if our equipment was modern. Today, we ask our soldiers to be ready to fight against battle-hardened enemy soldiers in a three-dimensional, high-tech, 21st-century battle space, and we ask them to do it using weapons that were old even 20 years ago in Afghanistan. Ukraine has shown us that the next war will be fought with weaponry never imagined before 2022. Only the very best is good enough for our troops in today’s threat environment. Our soldiers, airmen and sailors have no voice. They depend on us here in this chamber to speak for them. They are entitled to know when their equipment will arrive, and they must know, in an era of symmetrical warfare, that they have the best equipment possible. Conservatives support getting equipment to our armed forces faster. We support a strong Canadian defence industry, clear responsibility for procurement, and the removal of unnecessary red tape. However, Bill C-40 asks Parliament to accept that giving a new Crown corporation greater flexibility, while placing substantial authority in the minister’s hands, will finally solve problems the government has repeatedly promised to fix. The Defence Investment Agency began in October 2025 as a special operating agency within Public Services and Procurement Canada. Then the Liberals proposed a stand-alone agency. Now they have proposed a Crown corporation with dedicated ministerial leadership. Each iteration has promised to bring greater speed and clarity. Each iteration is built atop the failed promise of the last one. Each iteration takes procurement farther away from the military and toward civilians, some of whom do not know the difference between an RPG and an RPAL. Perhaps that is why 18 months after taking office, the Liberal government has plastered this House and the media with announcements, but the only thing it has managed to produce is a signature on the yellowed papers that will eventually get new rifles to our troops. Eighteen months is the time it took to build the Empire State Building and the Alaska Highway from planning to completion. If the government had been in charge of the Alaska Highway, we would still be laying logs in muskeg 85 years later. Why is that? Why is the government shouting announcements from the rooftop while doing as little as humanly possible? After 18 months, the Liberal government cannot even decide to buy what must be the most over-vetted aircraft in the history of North American military flight. The F-35 is an airplane that our air force generals need, an aircraft we Canadians helped develop and a transitional aircraft on the cusp of an age of autonomous warplanes. It is the only aircraft with continental deterrence value today and into the next decade, and the Liberal government can do nothing but dither. Why? What has changed in the military requirement? Has NORAD suddenly become less important? Has the threat to the Canadian Arctic diminished, or is it because of the Prime Minister’s ambitions toward European integration? Let us step back down to earth for a minute. We are a North American nation whose security depends on NORAD, and NORAD depends on our military integration with the United States and the defence of our Arctic, yet this legislation would grant sweeping powers to a new Crown corporation just as the Prime Minister redirects defence procurement toward Europe through SAFE and Readiness 2030. The Liberals try to pass this redirection off as diversification, knowing full well that it is nothing of the sort. It is an expensive security arrangement that almost certainly benefits European bankers more than Canadians. The European Union cannot replace NORAD, and European equipment may cost a fortune to integrate into continental defence systems. Will scarce defence dollars be diverted from Arctic surveillance, air defence and NORAD modernization to satisfy the security demands of the Prime Minister’s pet project? Europe is an important ally, but geography is not a political preference. Canada’s defence procurement must serve our security requirements, not the Prime Minister’s European geopolitical ambitions. This is precisely the issue I raised with the Parliamentary Budget Officer when I questioned the competing financial demands of European and continental defence ambitions. She acknowledged the tension between the two and identified aircraft procurement as one of the major expenditures potentially affected. We therefore have a government advancing multi-billion-dollar European procurement initiatives without Parliament having any clear financial picture, or the additional costs of maintaining interoperability with our American partners. The Carney government is simultaneously pursuing European defence procurement arrangements—

Government Orders ·

Building Canada Strong Act

“The member made a statement instead of asking a question, so I have nothing to answer.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, I really did not get a question out of that. It was a statement. I have no answer to a non-question.

In response to a question from Andréanne Larouche

“We talk about cutting rules, but ordinary people worry about their paycheques and mortgages. I want this bill to help them, but I doubt it will.”
  • Reply to a debate question

    Relevance 45 of 100

    None of this reply addressed the specific point raised or the topic under debate.

    See full analysis
  • Reply to a debate question

    Signal 0 of 100

    Much of this statement went to praise, blame, greetings, routine procedure or general stories rather than reasons, requests or specific points.

    See full analysis
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, as I was saying before, I think we treat this as an abstract problem. We use big words, and we talk about how we are going to cut regulation and do all these things. Very few of us live in the real world as we work in the House. We do not have to worry about a paycheque. We do not have to worry about a mortgage. We do not sit around the kitchen table worrying about the future as people outside the House do. What we talk about in the abstract are real bread-and-butter problems out there. I would like the bill to actually make a difference. I just do not have very high hopes for it.

In response to a question from Dan Albas

“The government says this bill will fix confusing and duplicate rules. I want to know why they let these problems happen after 11 years in power. MPs talk about this without understanding the real struggle of everyday Canadians to pay their bills.”
  • Reply to a debate question

    Relevance 29 of 100

    None of this reply addressed the specific point raised or the topic under debate.

    See full analysis
  • Reply to a debate question

    Signal 19 of 100

    Much of this statement went to praise, blame, greetings, routine procedure or general stories rather than reasons, requests or specific points.

    See full analysis
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, I was taken by the last speaker’s claim that this would get rid of duplication and would make for more coherence. I am wondering why, after 11 years, there is so much duplication and why our process is incoherent. How can that be? We talk about these things, and I guess it feels almost as if we were talking about it in the abstract. No member of the House is sitting around the kitchen table wondering if they can make their mortgage. No member of the House is worried about their next paycheque. These are things that matter to people outside the House.

“The government made big promises that its last bill would speed up building major projects, but nothing was built. Now they are offering this new bill that promises the same thing. It does not fix the real delays, like the endless studies and red tape. I doubt this bill will build anything either. We should judge the government by what actually gets built, not their announcements.”
Official Hansard

Madam Speaker, about a year and a half ago, the Liberal government told Canadians that Bill C-5 would fundamentally change the way major projects were approved and built in this country. Canada was going to build “at speeds not seen in generations”. We Conservatives allowed Bill C-5 to go through because we thought that the grandiose promises we were hearing would improve things even a bit. We were wrong, because the only thing of any importance that has been produced has been a cloud of MOUs and bucketloads of promises. Eighteen months later, here we are again discussing another bill promising to do the same thing. What exactly has changed? There are a couple of projects that Bill C-5 was supposed to speed up. The Pacific link oil pipeline has not been built. The LNG Canada phase two expansion has not been done. The Coastal GasLink phase two construction has not even started. Then I looked up projects around the world that had been finished in 18 months, and not just the building portion, but all the way from planning to completion. First of all, there was the Space Needle in 1962. There was also the Empire State Building in 1930, the Pentagon in 1941, the Alaska Highway in 1942, Tesla’s gigafactory in Shanghai in 2019, and the Crystal Palace in London in 1851. Even the Eiffel Tower took less than two years from planning to completion. Why did these projects get built? It was because people actually wanted them to get built. They all shared a hard completion date, and on that date they were complete. Unlike builders that want things to get built, the Liberal government seems to measure progress by announcements and handouts. By that measure, the Liberals clap themselves on their backs and announce that they stand behind Canadian workers, but Canadian workers and businesses measure progress by construction sites and paycheques. They want a society where people can succeed without depending on government handouts. They would prefer that the Liberal government not stand behind them if it means that the government will have its hand in their wallets. At some point, loud media announcements have to become construction projects, and so far we have seen very few. Investors can manage even Liberal red tape when the rules are clear and predictable, but it is an impossible minefield with this degree of uncertainty. A company considering a multi-billion-dollar investment needs to know what information will be required, who will make the decision, how the federal and provincial processes will interact, and when the process will actually end. If Canada cannot provide that certainty, investors have other choices. We are competing for capital with jurisdictions around the world, and having enormous resources is not enough if companies will not invest because it will take too long or cost too much to develop projects. Let us look at the Trans Mountain expansion. It was first proposed in 2012, received federal approval in 2016, had that approval quashed by the Federal Court of Appeal and was finally purchased by the federal government in 2018. The expansion itself did not get rolling until two years ago, in 2024. Until the Liberal government gets serious, projects will spend years navigating regulatory processes and government decisions before Canadians actually see shovels in the ground, if they ever do. Let us take a look at one false promise. Bill C-39 promises a one-year period once an investor has submitted the required information and studies. This is sheer nonsense. I have been around government bureaucracies long enough to know that the step Liberals are promising in Bill C-39 should take no more than a week because the bottleneck is not there. The bottleneck comes long before that. Do members remember the phrase “once an investor has submitted the required information and studies”? Those steps, the expensive studies, the arbitrary interpretations by bureaucratic middle managers in government, the lost reports, the forgotten files and the endless red tape are where the bottleneck is, long before the final step comes. That collection of documents, reports and permissions can take years and millions of dollars for any large project, and in a climate of grudging and self-sabotaging “hurry up and wait”, it is not looking promising. In this political climate of overpromising and underdelivering, if the project ever does start, it will be in spite of the government, because so far, the speeds not seen in generations, the speeds promised by the Liberal government, have turned out to be speeds so slow that they have not been seen since the last ice age. Here we are again, lighting the fuse to a promised Liberal rocket ship of economic activity a year after the last one sputtered out in an ashtray. I want to be optimistic. I want to think that this time, in spite of all the very real drawbacks, in spite of history and in spite of common sense, Bill C-39 will magically succeed where Bill C-5 failed so dismally, but it is a faint hope. I want to give an analogy. We have a drought back home in my riding. One proposed solution is to raise the local dam by two metres to retain the freshet in the spring so the supply lasts all summer. The regional district argued that since no water has spilled over the top of the existing dam for the last couple of years, raising it will not actually help. On the face of it, this is reasonable logic. If the water does not even come up to the top of the existing dam, what is the point of raising the dam even higher? That common sense leads me to ask, if the Building Canada Act, which gave the Liberal cabinet almost unprecedented power, did not manage to build anything, why should Canadians think for a minute that giving the Prime Minister’s Office even more power with the building Canada strong act would work any better? Is this really about getting Canada working, or is it more about gathering power in the Prime Minister’s Office? Here is the thing. During the 2008-09 financial crisis, the Harper government introduced measures intended to do much the same thing, with the stated objective of shortening approval times for major projects. That proposal was much less hyped than Bill C-39 and much more effective. Back then, when Canada faced another economic crisis, the very idea of speeding things up set Liberal hair on fire. To take just one example, my very esteemed colleague, the Minister of Defence, at that time the Liberal environment critic, described the Conservative government as a “far-right Reform, Republican, Conservative regime...undermining the very environmental assessment that Brian Mulroney brought into this country in 1992”. Apparently the minister is now not bothered by that prospect and has no concerns whatsoever, nor is any single member of the Liberal caucus concerned about a concentration of economic power or decision-making power almost oligarchic in scope. Does the minister now believe that his own Liberal government is aligned with the far-right Republican government in another country, the very country that his party blames for the dismal economy in Canada? We have gone from the Building Canada Act to the building Canada strong act. I sincerely hope the second one works better than the first, but if we are back here in another year, debating another bill with “build Canada” in the title, Canadians are going to be disgusted, as they should be. Ultimately the test should be results. Canadians do not need handouts and school lunch programs, and loud announcements cannot replace jobs and the self-respect that comes with providing for a family. I will approach the legislation with an open mind but also with the skepticism that comes from having heard promises before about accelerating major projects. The government has said it wants Canada to build at speeds not seen in generations. That is an ambitious standard, but ultimately Canadians should not judge this legislation by the number of announcements it kicks off. They should judge by what they can actually see being built, and so far it is not looking good.

“Other countries built major landmarks in 18 months. I want the member to tell me what has been built here in the 18 months since this fast-tracking law passed.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, I was looking up things that had to do with Bill C-5, and I am wondering if there is any change here. Things that were built in 18 months are the Space Needle in 1962, the Empire State Building in 1930, the Pentagon in 1941, the Alaska Highway and the Crystal Palace in 1851. I am wondering if my colleague can tell me what has been built in the 18 months since Bill C-5 was passed.

In response to a question from Andréanne Larouche

“This bill has not led to any major project being finished. Big energy projects like the Pacific oil pipeline and the LNG Canada expansion are still not done.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, I was looking at Bill C-5 and what it has produced. ChatGPT, which we have heard an awful lot of in the House lately, had this to say: It has produced some concrete regulatory changes in projects, but ChatGPT could not establish that it completed a major project. Then I looked up the Pacific oil pipeline, and it had this to say: The pipeline has not been built, and its final conditions remain outstanding. LNG Canada phase two does not establish that the expansion is completed. The Coastal GasLink construction is scheduled to begin next year, and the federal trade mobility—

Statements by Members ·

Addictions

“Canada has a drug crisis that is hurting families and making communities unsafe. Compassion means helping people recover from addiction, not just accepting it. The government needs to focus on treatment, punish drug criminals, and make our streets safe again.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, Canada is facing a drug crisis that is destroying lives, families and communities. Families are watching loved ones struggle with addiction, while communities face open drug use, crime and disorder. We want to show compassion, but compassion means helping people overcome addiction and rebuild their lives, not accepting addiction as the status quo. We need to put treatment and recovery first, crack down on the criminals who profit from addiction, and restore safety and order for our communities. There is nothing compassionate about a system that allows people to remain trapped in addiction without a clear path to recovery. Every Canadian struggling with addiction deserves hope, dignity and a real opportunity to recover. Canadians deserve safer communities and a federal government that puts treatment, recovery and public safety first.

Oral Questions ·

Public Safety

“The government lets repeat violent criminals, burglars, and car thieves out on bail instead of punishing them. I want the government to stop releasing these offenders and protect people who follow the law.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, these out-of-touch Liberals have spent years allowing repeat offenders to cycle through our justice system while law-abiding Canadians pay the price. Violent offenders, burglars and car thieves deserve real consequences, not endless bail, house arrest, and catch-and-release. Canadians are tired of watching the same criminals return to the streets again and again. When will the Liberals stop siding with repeat offenders and start standing with the Canadians who obey the law?

Government Orders ·

Canadian Fuel Affordability Act

In response to a question from Guillaume Deschênes-Thériault

“I support this bill because the Liberals did not pack it with other things.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, it is because this time the Liberals have not shoved all sorts of other things into the bill to make it unpassable.

In response to a question from Guillaume Deschênes-Thériault

“This bill does not do enough. If cutting the fuel tax is good now, it should stay cut instead of coming back next year.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, I would not categorize the government’s work as amazing. I would categorize it as a half measure destined to become even less soon. If it is good to reduce or stop the excise tax now, why in the world would it be a bad idea next year?

In response to a question from Arnold Viersen

“The Prime Minister wants to move Canada closer to the European Union and use problems in the United States as an excuse. Meeting with China is just a way to anger Donald Trump. It will hurt our relationship with the United States and make things harder to fix later.”
  • Reply to a debate question

    Relevance 0 of 100

    None of this statement addressed the specific topic under debate.

    See full analysis
  • Reply to a debate question

    Signal 0 of 100

    Much of this statement went to praise, blame, greetings, routine procedure or general stories rather than reasons, requests or specific points.

    See full analysis
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, I think the Prime Minister’s intent all along was to move toward the EU and join it as much as possible. He has been presented a perfect opportunity with all the tantrums going on south of the border. The meeting with the Chinese is quite likely another red flag, a gratuitous red flag, to throw in front of Mr. Trump, who will hit the ceiling as usual, further making it difficult for the next American administration to repair the damage that he has done. Mr. Carney is making it almost impossible for the next administration—

In response to a question from Guillaume Deschênes-Thériault

“I want Canada's economy to be strong. Supporting this bill to pause the fuel tax does not mean I want to hurt our economy.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, that was a bit of a mix of gratuitous insults and propaganda, but I am not quite sure. Obviously, we all want the Canadian economy to be strong. I think this is fairly obvious. I do not think that my supporting the bill in any way suggests that I think the Canadian economy should not be strong. I am not sure where that came from.

In response to a question from Doly Begum

“I want the Prime Minister to fix relations with our neighbour. I also want him to end the fuel tax permanently.”
Official Hansard

My apologies, Mr. Speaker. I ask the Prime Minister to fix the fence with the neighbour instead, and while he is at it, get rid of the excise tax permanently.