MEMBER OF PARLIAMENT

Martin Champoux

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Champoux keeps up a long-running push to make American streaming platforms pay levies to fund French-language culture, and to make the government hand over the $600 million it promised to the cultural sector instead. He often argues against a position his opponents did not take, restating a motion against streaming levies as saying “if people want to watch American shows... that is just fine”. His speeches drift into greetings and tributes before the argument arrives.Written by AI from their statements. Updated .

Average grade
B+
84 / 100 over 87 statements
Signal 71 / 100
Relevance 86 / 100
Respect 99 / 100
Clarity 97 / 100
Averaged over the 87 of 107 statements graded so far.

In their own words

Loses points more than most for

Loses points less than most for A promise with no date, no measure and no one responsible.Less often than most members.What the tags mean

Does well more than most

Answered ×1.8

Statements 107

Statements by Members ·

Canada-EU Summit

“Thousands of newspapers and magazines in Canada and Europe want our governments to regulate online platforms and artificial intelligence. They want to protect independent news and make sure tech companies pay creators for their work. The Prime Minister must bring this up at the summit today.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, this morning, representatives of thousands of newspapers and magazines from both sides of the Atlantic wrote to Canada and the European Union. They are calling on them to use the upcoming summit as an opportunity to commit to regulating digital platforms and the use of AI. They are calling for the summit’s final statement to include “a firm, shared commitment to free, independent, pluralistic and sustainable media and reliable professional journalism, underpinned by enabling frameworks.” They also call on Canada and Europe to promote “a transparent AI ecosystem that respects intellectual property rights, supports licensing and appropriate remuneration, and enables creators, publishers and other cultural and creative businesses to control and realise the value of their works.” Canadian and European media are highlighting the most significant global challenges for the future of culture and news. The Prime Minister must raise these issues at the Canada-EU summit today.

Government Orders ·

Strengthening Canada's Defence Sector Act

“We do not need a new agency to buy military equipment. The government has bought planes and ships for decades without one. This new agency lets the government take credit for successes while blaming the agency for mistakes. Public servants could do this work instead of paying a friend of the Prime Minister $700,000 a year.”
Official Hansard

Madam Speaker, at the time the Defence Investment Agency was created, another mechanism had been in place for decades. The need to procure military equipment is nothing new for Canada. It has always existed. The government has purchased aircraft and had ships built in the past. None of that is anything new. What forces the government to create a new agency now, one that is going to release the government from some of its responsibilities? We can all agree that the agency will bear the blame for any major errors or mistakes, whereas the government will take credit for any success. We already know how that works. What has happened in recent years that makes another agency better qualified than the Department of National Defence to handle this kind of procurement? That is the message being sent to public servants and the Department of National Defence. Furthermore, why does it take a friend of the Prime Minister, a former Goldman Sachs colleague earning a salary of $700,000 a year or more, to do work that public servants and the existing department could very well have done themselves?

“I worry this bill lets the government avoid blame for defense spending decisions. The new agency's president is close to the Prime Minister and will make about $700,000 a year, which is more than the Prime Minister makes. If there are scandals or bad decisions, the government could just blame this agency. The government needs to stay directly in charge of defense investments.”
Official Hansard

Madam Speaker, is this not a way for the government to shirk some of its responsibility? Is it not a bit risky to create an agency to handle such crucial and sensitive defence investments? Questions are already being raised. First, there is the appointment of the agency’s president, who is close to the Prime Minister and has a background at Goldman Sachs. Then, that person’s salary is around $700,000 a year, which is more than that of most senior public servants. That is more than what the Minister of Finance and National Revenue himself earns, and it is more than the Prime Minister’s salary, though interest on his investments is not included in that figure. I wonder if this is a way for the government to offload some of its responsibility. When there are questionable decisions, when there are suspicions of misconduct or scandals, which could happen, even if it is just cases of misconduct that need to be investigated, the government might then be able to claim that it was not them, that it was the agency, and that it cannot be held responsible. On the contrary, when it comes to defence investments, it is absolutely essential for the government to be at the helm.

Private Members' Business ·

An Act to Repeal Certain Restrictions on Shipping

“I oppose this bill. It removes the ban on large oil tankers along the north coast of British Columbia. That coast is home to fragile marine life that would be damaged for decades if oil spills there. First Nations and local communities oppose lifting this ban, and our existing pipelines already send most of our oil to the United States. We should keep the ban in place.”
Official Hansard

Madam Speaker, before I start, I want to acknowledge my colleagues who are proudly wearing the poppy as we begin the annual poppy campaign to remember those who gave their lives and fought for our values and freedom. This is my annual reminder. This year is the second year that I have the honour of serving as the honorary president of the poppy campaign in my riding of Drummond. The poppy is worn over the heart, above any other medal or pin. The member pin that many of us wear must be worn below the poppy. I repeat this every year. I think that these details are important for veterans and for those who care about matters of protocol. Before I begin my speech on Bill C-264, I would like to congratulate the new Quebec minister of natural resources and forests, Nathalie Bisaillon, on her appointment. Ms. Bisaillon is also the MNA for the new riding of Marie-Lacoste-Gérin-Lajoie, part of which is located in the federal riding of Drummond, which I have had the honour of representing since 2019. I welcome Nathalie Bisaillon to her role as MNA and minister. I will be very pleased and honoured to work with her on both regional and national files. We are here today to talk about Bill C-264, an act to repeal certain restrictions on shipping, which seeks to completely do away with the Oil Tanker Moratorium Act. The first thing we need to know is that we are only debating this bill today because the Prime Minister himself committed in his memorandum of understanding with Alberta to adjusting the oil tanker moratorium should a new bitumen pipeline between Alberta and British Columbia ever move forward. In an effort to protect so-called Canadian national unity and look like Captain Canada to the United States, the Prime Minister opened the door to abandoning the moratorium that protects marine diversity in British Columbia. Unsurprisingly, the Conservatives have thrown themselves headlong into this. If the Liberals think that Bill C-264 is a trap, they are quite right. The problem is that it is a trap they themselves set when they signed the MOU with Alberta in November 2025. The bill we are debating today deals with regulating vessels carrying crude oil or persistent oil to or from ports and maritime facilities located along British Columbia’s north coast. These substances are considered “persistent” because, if they end up in the environment or marine ecosystems, they remain there for a long time. As the term suggests, they can persist for decades, and communities end up stuck with them. The issue at hand, therefore, is the risk of oil spills along the coast of British Columbia, specifically in the waters extending from the Alaskan border to the northern mainland coast opposite the northern tip of Vancouver Island. The moratorium exists because British Columbia’s north coast is considered to be one of the most productive and least disturbed temperate marine ecosystems on the planet. An oil spill would pose a direct threat to marine biodiversity and to the many species that depend on this coastline. The Great Bear Sea is a 102,000-square-kilometre marine area extending from the northern tip of Vancouver Island to the Alaskan border. It is one of the richest marine ecosystems in the world. Home to species and habitats like the migrating humpback whale, orcas, sea otters, seabirds, salmon, ancient glass sponge reefs, kelp forests and seagrass meadows, it is simply a treasure. Crude oil and persistent oil have been slowly degrading these ecosystems for decades. In their efforts to ideologically support increased shipments of Canadian oil sands exports, the Conservatives want to remove any potential obstacle to their industry’s development, regardless of the ecological risk or damage posed to precious marine ecosystems like the ones I just mentioned. The current moratorium, however, applies only to northern British Colombia, whereas current exports are located in the south and are therefore unaffected by the moratorium. What, then, are they trying to accomplish? Bill C‑48 was tabled in Parliament on May 12, 2017. The bill was introduced by the late Marc Garneau, Minister of Transportation at the time, and was studied during the 42nd Parliament. It was passed and received royal assent in June 2019. The regulation of marine shipping is part of Canada’s oceans protection plan and its broader commitment to protecting 30% of oceans by 2030 pursuant to the United Nations Convention on Biological Diversity and the commitments that were made in Montreal in 2022 at COP15. The Oil Tanker Moratorium Act imposes a moratorium on tankers carrying more than 12,500 metric tons of crude oil from stopping along the northern coast of British Columbia. Vessels carrying cargoes of less than 12,500 metric tonnes are permitted in the moratorium area. The act includes an enforcement and sanctions regime that includes charges and fines of up to $5 million, depending on the seriousness of the offence. It is important to understand that this moratorium was added to the voluntary tanker exclusion zone that has been in place since 1985 and that was negotiated with the United States. Oil tankers travelling from Alaska to Washington were required to sail west of the zone. What is more, since this was a voluntary exclusion zone, it was never introduced into legislation. The Canadian government has been talking about a tanker moratorium off the coast of British Columbia since 1972. Before Bill C-48 was passed in 2019, the legal status of the moratorium was a source of debate and confusion, so the moratorium resolved a legal and historic ambiguity and helped to ensure the protection of B.C.’s northern coast. Why lift the oil tanker ban? What would be the point of that? When the Prime Minister ventured to suggest lifting the oil tanker ban in November 2025, his decision was harshly criticized by the British Columbia government. The new government that just took office this weekend will likely have a different attitude. It completely changes the situation, but it will not necessarily make things any easier, because the first nations also strongly oppose that decision. The next few months in particular will likely be full of heated discussions. The Prime Minister’s Alberta escapade has been viewed as a sign that the government has abandoned its commitment to protecting nature. The message from British Columbia and first nations has been clear. Protecting the environment on B.C.’s north coast does not hinder the economy, but rather helps it grow. The rapid expansion of the oil sands industry and increased exports in the 1990s were bound to lead to more marine transportation and put more pressure on marine ecosystems. The Trans Mountain expansion tripled the existing pipeline capacity and added an extra 590,000 barrels a day of shipping capacity. In fact, it was Justin Trudeau who claimed that the goal of his pipeline, funded by $35 billion or $40 billion dollars in public funds, was to diversify export markets, but the vast majority of exports go to the United States. The United States remains the primary destination for Canadian crude oil. That country received 93.8% of all Canadian crude oil exports from May 2024 to April 2025. Of Canada’s total crude oil exports to the United States, 92.8% flow through the existing pipeline network. I think this is all show and no substance. Why do I bring up the removal of the oil tanker moratorium? It is because challenging the moratorium on oil tankers helps fuel the dream of the Conservatives, and the neo-conservatives who now sit on the Liberal benches, to build new pipelines. That is why, in the Canada-Alberta memorandum of understanding, alongside the Prime Minister’s pledge to increase Alberta’s oil and gas production to meet Canada’s export targets, there is already a proposal to amend the moratorium on oil tankers. It states the following: If an Alberta bitumen pipeline is ultimately approved under the Building Canada Act and provides opportunities for indigenous co-ownership and shared economic benefits, Canada confirms that it will enable the export of bitumen from a deep-water port to Asian markets, including if necessary through an appropriate adjustment to the Oil Tanker Moratorium Act. This sentence is still on the Prime Minister’s website even today. The reason we are here today debating Bill C‑264, which proposes to tear apart an entire piece of legislation against the wishes of first nations and against the wishes of the government then in power in British Columbia, is that the Prime Minister himself launched the debate and invited us to join him in that. Once again, we can agree that the new government now in power in British Columbia may not object quite so strenuously. The Prime Minister of Canada opened the door and the Conservatives walked right in. In doing so, he is continuing to destroy his own political party’s weak environmental record.

Oral Questions ·

Canadian Identity and Culture

“The government broke its promise to make giant web companies pay a levy. Now taxpayers must pay the $600-million cost instead, even if they do not use those streaming services. Companies like Netflix and Disney make billions in profit, while regular Quebeckers make about $40,000. I want the minister to tell us if she thinks that is fair.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, I wonder if the Liberals have forgotten their $600-million promise, their commitment to impose a levy on the web giants. The worst part of all of this is that taxpayers will have to foot a $600-million bill to make up for the government’s backtracking on the levy. Instead of making the web giants pay, the government is foisting the bill onto all taxpayers, even those who do not have Netflix or Disney+ subscriptions, even those who chose to cancel their subscription as a show of solidarity toward Canadian culture. Let us not forget that Netflix made $3.7 billion in profits in the last quarter alone, while Disney+ made $712 million. The median income for Quebeckers is about $40,000, yet they are the ones being forced to pay. Does the minister think that is fair?

“Broadcasters in Quebec must pay fees that fund our culture, but the government lets rich American streaming companies pay nothing. This breaks the rules and hurts our local businesses and culture. I want the government to explain why it gives this unfair advantage to American companies.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, all TV and radio station operators in Quebec are required to pay levies, pay fees, pay into the system. That is how cultural production is funded. However, thanks to the Liberals, American streamers like Netflix do not have to pay a penny. The American web giants that are infinitely richer than Quebecor or Bell Media get a free pass, which, by the way, directly contradicts the Online Streaming Act. Why is the federal government giving an advantage to American multinationals with billions of dollars at their disposal at the expense of our businesses and our culture?

Government Orders ·

Business of Supply

“The government could make big tech companies pay fees, but it chose not to. Instead, it is making Canadians pay a $600-million bill, even though many of them cancelled their subscriptions to support Canadian culture. I want to know what my colleague thinks about the government doing this.”
Official Hansard

Mr Speaker, I need not tell you how much I appreciate the comments we just heard from my colleague from Edmonton Strathcona, with whom I once had the great pleasure of working on the Standing Committee on Canadian Heritage and, incidentally, on this sort of bill. I want to ask my NDP colleague what she thinks of what I would call a cynical move. What does she make of the fact that the government has the power to impose levies on the tech giants, as recommended by the CRTC, but chose not to do so? Instead, it chose to pass on a $600-million bill to Canadians, many of whom, out of solidarity with the cultural sector, but also in support of the government’s efforts to negotiate an agreement with the United States, have decided to cancel their subscriptions to the American platforms. Is it not a bit cynical for the government to say that it is going to pass the bill on to people who, out of solidarity, chose not to subscribe or to cancel their subscription? What are my colleague’s thoughts on this?

“Big tech companies were supposed to pay $600 million to help our culture, but the government stepped in to pay it instead. Other businesses are struggling with tariffs and need help too. What message does it send to them when the government suddenly finds $600 million for this?”
Official Hansard

Madam Speaker, it is my turn to thank my colleague from Saint-Jean for her excellent speech and for her passion. I believe the House can see that that passion is shared by all Bloc members when we talk about culture and the French language. The government has decided to step in for the digital giants, which were supposed to pay out $600 million in compensation. In my colleague’s view, what message does this send to the other sectors of the Quebec and Canadian economies that are struggling with the impact of tariffs? Businesses are looking to the government for support in the face of the tariff threat that constantly hangs over their heads. Meanwhile, there was already a funding mechanism for the cultural sector that made sense to everyone. The government is capable of coming up with $600 million. What must the other sectors of the economy be thinking when they see this money appear, just like that?

In response to a question from Gérard Deltell

“We needed a tax on big foreign digital companies to help our media and culture. The government did not give the money to those sectors, and then it got rid of the tax. This wastes billions of dollars that could help our culture and our economy.”
  • Reply to a debate question

    Relevance 93 of 100

    Of this reply, 90% addressed the question or point raised.

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Official Hansard

Madam Speaker, I want to thank my colleague very much, and I look forward to hearing his comments on today’s motion later on. We should remember that this tax was originally requested and required to fund the cultural sector and the media, this entire sector where American digital companies swoop in and get rich. In the end, it was not used for that purpose at all; it was used for something else entirely. It went into the consolidated revenue fund instead of serving the sectors that had been hit hard by those companies entering the market. Yes, as my colleague said, this kind of flip-flopping and back-and-forth is absolutely pointless. In the end, the tax was repealed. We are depriving ourselves of billions of dollars that could give some serious breathing room to our cultural sector, as well as other sectors.

In response to a question from Mario Simard

“The government backed down on taxes that could have helped culture and broadcasting to please Donald Trump. We got nothing in return. Now the government looks bad because it gave up those taxes for nothing.”
  • Reply to a comment in debate

    Signal 28 of 100

    Much of this statement went to praise, blame, greetings, routine procedure or general stories rather than reasons, requests or specific points.

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Official Hansard

Madam Speaker, I am being asked for a brief answer to a question that would take several minutes to address, but I will simply talk about the digital services tax, which could have been used to fund the cultural and broadcasting sectors, as well as the backtracking on the levy of 5% to 15%. These concessions were made during negotiations with Donald Trump. What did we get in return? Nothing, period. Nothing. This is a somewhat awkward position for the government to be in now, saying that it will not reinstate the levy after having removed it to appease someone who never responded favourably to our request. I could go on, but I do not have enough time.

In response to a question from Todd Doherty

“The government has not yet kept its promise to give $600 million to Canada's cultural sector. This money is not just for Quebec, but for all of Canada. The cultural sector brings in hundreds of billions of dollars every year.”
Official Hansard

That is a very good question, Madam Speaker, and I thank my colleague for asking it. My colleague is obviously generalizing; he is really broadening the scope of the issue, but fundamentally, I understand that we are talking about broken promises. In our motion today, we are addressing a promise that, while not yet broken, has not yet been kept, and that is very concerning. I am talking about the $600 million. This $600 million is not a request from Quebec. It is an amount intended for Canada’s entire cultural sector. As a result, it is not just about a request from Quebec. Of course, the Bloc Québécois is more focused on Quebec’s demands, that is well known, but in this case, it is a promise to all Canadians and to Canada’s entire cultural sector, which, I would like to remind you, generates hundreds of billions of dollars in revenue annually.

In response to a question from Leslie Church

“We voted against the budget because the government ignored all 11 of our recommendations, especially the ones about culture. We voted against it to stand up for our people and our culture.”
  • Reply to a debate question

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Official Hansard

Madam Speaker, a budget is like a big stew. There are all sorts of things in there. We can love corned beef but not cabbage. When we vote for a budget, we are voting for a series of measures. Before a budget is tabled, parties make requests. We have recommendations to make for the budget. The Bloc Québécois had 11 amendments, many of which were culture-related. None of the Bloc Québécois’s recommendations, particularly those concerning culture, were included in the budget. When the Liberals ask us why we voted against funding measures for culture, it is because they did not listen. They did not get the job done. They botched the job. In that case, we take responsibility, we stand up for our people and our culture, and we vote against it.

“I want the government to make big online streaming companies pay fees to support our cultural sector. I also want the government to pay the cultural sector the $600 million it promised for this year. Quebec and Canadian culture are facing a serious crisis, and big tech companies should help pay for it instead of regular taxpayers.”
  • A repeated line

    “As set out in the Broadcasting Act.”

    Said 4 times by 4 members since October 22.

    Every time it was said
Official Hansard

moved: That, given that,(i) culture is central to Quebec’s identity,(ii) the cultural sector plays a critical role in Quebec’s economy,(iii) the media and cultural production sectors are facing serious pressures that hamper their development,(iv) the government nevertheless abolished the Digital Services Tax levied on the U.S. digital corporate giants,the House call on the government to:(a) uphold the Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission’s decisions imposing levies on streaming services, as set out in the Broadcasting Act; and(b) make the interim payment of $600 million promised to the cultural sector for the current year. He said: Mr. Speaker, today is an important day because we are once again bringing an issue to the floor of the House that is very important to us, namely culture, and, more specifically and as a priority, Quebec and francophone culture. Before I begin my speech, I would like to extend my heartfelt congratulations to the MNA for Matane-Matapédia-Mitis in the Quebec National Assembly, Pascal Bérubé, who was appointed Minister of Culture, Heritage, Communications and the French Language. Pascal Bérubé is a highly capable and passionate man, as we saw at his swearing-in ceremony yesterday, and certainly someone who will fight for culture with the same passion and commitment to Quebec identity for which he is so well known. Today’s motion is important to the Bloc Québécois. It is also of vital importance to the cultural sector. Earlier this week, the Coalition for the Diversity of Cultural Expressions, or CDCE, was on Parliament Hill, accompanied by dozens of representatives from its member organizations. I took the opportunity to get a sense of their mood and take stock of the situation, since it is important to do that from time to time. I wanted to know whether the concerns and priorities we are advancing on behalf of the cultural sector are still relevant. I also wanted to find out whether we are, as my former colleague from La Prairie always said, “on the right track”. It is worse than I thought. The cultural sector is facing an unprecedented crisis. What is particularly troubling is that we have been warning about this crisis for years, yet the sector continues to receive little more than piecemeal support, despite the widely recognized urgent need for adequate, fair, sustainable, predictable, long-term funding. We can pile on all the adjectives we want. It is simply unacceptable that culture be left in this state of precariousness year after year, budget after budget. The motion that we are tabling today is not that complicated. First, we want to speak out against this government’s abandonment of culture, an abandonment that, in my view, has been almost systematic since it entered office in April 2025. The Liberals have done nothing but backtrack on cultural issues. Let me explain, although I suspect they will rise later to tell me that significant amounts were allocated to culture in budget 2025 and will be announcing good news in the coming weeks. Not abandoning culture involves more than giving away money now and then. It involves a commitment to fund the cultural sector in a meaningful way. First, we are facing an economic situation involving a southern neighbour ready to rock the boat at every opportunity. Our economic situation demands that we strengthen our sectors as much as possible. When we can, we must. When it comes to culture, we can. We have the means; they have been requested and demonstrated and they constitute a logical choice for ordinary, average people. Failing to act would be alarmingly irresponsible. Even the Liberals have been campaigning for years to bring in a system to ensure fairness in the broadcasting and cultural sector. Bill C-11, which I had the pleasure, so to speak, of working on for several years, was drafted in collaboration with and at the request of this Liberal government. However, the conclusion of that study, that work, was to give the Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission, or CRTC, the responsibility, under the new Online Streaming Act, of establishing a system that would ensure that American digital companies—those multibillion-dollar companies that call the shots wherever they go and that governments lack the courage to regulate—contribute their fair share. The most logical approach is the one that has been used for decades with the traditional broadcasters and that is to impose some form of levy. That is what the CRTC has done. The CRTC worked on this for a long time, as it usually does, holding hearings and listening to representations from various stakeholders in the industry, and concluded that the right approach was to impose a 5% levy, a decision that was subsequently revised, resulting in a 15% levy. What did the government do? It did not say, finally, a fair way to establish a framework to ensure that companies making billions of dollars off our culture and our broadcasting system contribute so that people can continue to create and produce content that reflects who we are and ensures that Quebec culture, francophone culture and Canadian culture remain very much alive and can develop, continue to evolve and be the envy of many countries around the world in this ever-changing digital landscape. I mentioned earlier that the government will boast about having invested funds in budget 2025. It did invest in a number of sectors, including the audiovisual sector, and that was certainly appreciated. However, while the budget provided hundreds of millions of dollars to various areas of the cultural sector, some sectors facing even more acute challenges than others were completely overlooked. There was unanimous support for increasing the budget of the Canada Council for the Arts by $140 million. It received $6 million. Sectors such as entertainment presenters, cultural presenters, the visual arts and the performing arts were entirely ignored in this budget, and yet they are on the front lines sustaining culture, theatre, dance and other artistic disciplines. We need to support the entire cultural sector. It is not a collection of isolated groups. It is an ecosystem, an integrated whole that must function effectively and generate benefits throughout the sector. When the cultural community as a whole is properly supported, all of its sectors thrive. It is a vital part of both the Quebec and Canadian economies, and one that we simply cannot do without. The evidence is clear. I am fed up with hearing that the cultural sector is being funded or subsidized. That is not what is being done. We invest in culture, and that brings in billions of dollars for the Canadian economy. We cannot do away with that, especially at a time when we need to affirm our identity and protect our culture. We have been experiencing this in Quebec for decades now. I get the impression that, in Canada, people are also starting to realize that culture is important and that they need to protect their identity. Perhaps this would be a good time to learn from Quebec’s traditional demands on the matter. As I said earlier, CDCE representatives spent the week on the Hill. Their demands remain unanimous: They want the money they were promised, but they also want a system in place that will reassure them. The only way to reassure them is to have a funding system that is not subject to the government’s whims. The government cannot say that, this year, when it scrapped the 5% or 15% levies, it replaced that with $600 million, as promised. The government might say that this is great news because, next year, it intends to do the same thing and even index the amount. Next year, the amount would be $800 million. The government believes this should please the cultural sector. However, the year after that, the amount might drop to $200 million, which might put everyone into a bit of a pickle. Then, the year after that one, another government might be in power that is not interested in culture and might decide to get rid of it. We would be back at square one. It is unacceptable for the government to take this approach. It is important to create a system that reassures all cultural sector stakeholders. This means fair funding for culture and a significant contribution from big tech. There is the money, and then there is the principle. I hear the government saying that levies cannot be imposed on digital companies because they will simply pass the cost on to consumers. That is hogwash, so as not to use an expression that the Chair would reprimand me for. What a load of nonsense. Let us look at what has happened elsewhere, particularly in Europe. I was just at the French embassy yesterday with officials from the CDCE, and we discussed this very issue. Europe has imposed such levies. The European Union itself has imposed levies and has allowed other EU states to do the same, which France and others have done. The reality is that there has been no decrease in subscriptions to the digital platforms that are already generating billions of dollars in profits, and there has not been any dramatic increase in consumer costs. By choosing to fund culture itself rather than have the digital companies do it, the government is passing the bill on to Canadians. When Canadians are asked what concerns them the most right now, they point to the cost of living. Everything is becoming more expensive. However, Canadians are now being handed a $600‑million bill when the digital companies, which are raking in billions of dollars on the backs of our creators, are the ones that should be funding culture. That is the purpose of our motion today. I have a hard time imagining how the Liberal government, which has always claimed to support culture, or at least given the appearance of that, could oppose our motion. I would take a very dim view of that.

Government Orders ·

Safe Social Media Act

In response to a question from Rachael Thomas

“I am open to talking about which group should enforce this bill. Using our broadcast regulator might work in theory, but it is already too slow and behind on its work. Whatever group we choose must be open and transparent with the public.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague from Lethbridge for her very relevant question. I find it interesting to hear her talk about the Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission, or CRTC, as the organization that could take on those powers, considering that it is not every day that I hear her praise the work of the CRTC. That said, we are completely open to this type of conversation. Personally, when it comes to the CRTC, I agree in principle. However, we are willing to discuss any more efficient and cost-effective solutions that are presented. I have my doubts with regard to the CRTC, since it is already having a hard time hearing all of the cases on its docket. There is a big backlog. It took nearly three years to just to come up with regulations on levies for streaming platforms, so I would be surprised if adding this task to the CRTC’s workload would be more efficient and cost-effective than creating a commission. That said, I completely agree with my colleague that there is a difference between keeping an arm’s length from political influence and operating without transparency. All bodies must be transparent. That is what we expect, and we would expect the same from this commission.

In response to a question from Kevin Lamoureux

“I support creating this commission, but it depends on how it is set up. It must be independent from the government, without ministers interfering. It also needs real power to punish rule-breakers and do its job.”
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Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, the answer is yes. There is a positive element to it, but much will depend on the powers ultimately granted to the commission in question. I believe it is important to have an independent body somewhat along the lines of what we see with a quasi-judicial tribunal such as the Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission, or CRTC. The CRTC has its flaws, but no one can say that we would be better off without it and with the government acting as the sole regulator. The role of this commission will need to be defined. We would also need to ensure that it is independent from the government and that the minister is not constantly intervening in its decisions or proceedings. I think that is important. It is also important for the commission to have teeth, that it be able to take enforcement action, identify offenders and be given the tools it needs to do its job properly. If the commission is structured in such a way as to be effective and as independent as possible from political power, since it can never be 100% independent, I do think that a commission is necessary in such a context.

In response to a question from Kevin Lamoureux

“It is too early to change this bill. We should talk more first. We should also listen to the video game industry, because it is already good at catching predators.”
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Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, at this stage, I do not see anything that needs amending. I cannot think of any amendments off the top of my head. I think there will be a lot of discussion before we get to the point of drafting amendments. There is one thing that might be worth taking a closer look at: video games, the video game industry. There is a lot of discussion going on, and it is an industry that has regulated itself effectively and is well-equipped to detect potential predatory behaviour. These are people who may not traditionally be heard in this context, and I think it will be helpful to include them in the discussion. Other questions will certainly arise along the way. It is a little too early for me to think about amendments.

In response to a question from Maxime Blanchette-Joncas

“This bill must not cross into areas run by Quebec and the provinces, like education and health care. The committee studying it needs to hear from provincial governments to make sure we respect their powers.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, that is an excellent point that I was unfortunately unable to address as I only had 20 minutes for my speech. Yes, the jurisdictions of Quebec and the provinces will have to be respected. One aspect of Bill C-34, or the approach we feel will have to be taken, is education. As members know, education falls within the jurisdiction of Quebec and the provinces. It will therefore be important for the committee, as part of its study, to hear from all the provincial legislatures and the National Assembly to ensure that there is no encroachment. We must ensure that any recommendations that we end up implementing respect the constitutional division of powers, if they relate to education, health care or community-based services, for example. He makes an excellent point. There are issues of potential encroachment on provincial powers. We will need to take this into account and exercise caution.

In response to a question from David Myles

“Our biggest challenge in committee will be pleasing everyone. People already have strong opinions on this bill. We need to work together respectfully, listen to each other, and be willing to change our minds so we can agree on the final bill.”
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Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, I thought the question was for you. That was my understanding. No? Then I will answer. That is an excellent question, and I thank my colleague, the parliamentary secretary, for asking it. I think we are going to run into a number of challenges. The biggest challenge we may face is pleasing everyone. Based on the correspondence that we have received regarding Bill C-34, some people’s opinions already seem rather entrenched. I think we need to create an environment conducive to open and respectful dialogue, where we listen to opinions that require us to adjust our positions on different aspects of the bill. In my opinion, the challenge lies in coming up with a bill we can all agree on, a bill that offers something for everyone so the final result suits everyone’s needs. It will be a challenge, which is why I say it will need to be a collaborative undertaking that is carried out responsibly and in a spirit of co-operation.

“I want us to pass this bill to committee. Social media companies use algorithms that get young people addicted to harmful content. We need rules that hold these platforms responsible for protecting kids. I am still open to discussing age limits, even though teens often find ways around bans. Parents are overwhelmed and need our help.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, that is my fan club. I cannot control them. I am really sorry. I want to come back to the idea of social media platforms and the algorithms they use to attract not just young people, but adults as well. We are talking about young people and saying that they are vulnerable, but often adults are too. Let us face it. Sometimes we fall asleep with our phone in our hand after spending too long watching silly videos, although we do also watch intelligent content. That said, the platforms use these algorithms to get young people addicted to their content. I want to say it again. Sometimes the content is very low quality, completely inane. It is not going to help our young people become doctors or great researchers. I think it is important for this law to be enacted and it is important to hold the platforms accountable. It is also important for parents to understand their role. Parents have good intentions. I never question parents’ good intentions in raising their children, but I do think that parents are quite literally overwhelmed. I can see this. These tools, the social media and the platforms specifically designed for young people, are not necessarily from the parents’ generation. They also feel a bit overwhelmed by them. That is also why Parliament needs to step in and tell parents that it is going to create a framework and that everyone is going to play a role. There will be legislation. The representatives of these platforms will be held accountable for the content they host and make accessible to young people. The government needs to hold them accountable for any harmful content that ends up on their platforms. They will need to be accountable for their content. They need to understand that however much money they invest in developing tools to attract young people, they should be investing at least as much, if not more, in protecting their users from this extremely dangerous content. There is the matter of age. I know that can be a sensitive subject. We have seen what is being done in other places like Australia. We have talked about it. Earlier, I heard my colleagues talking in their speeches about what is being done in Australia. We are also looking at what is being done in Europe. The idea of banning social media is one of the concerns that I raised from the very beginning in the conversations that I had with all of the stakeholders I met with. I told them right away that I disagreed with banning it. I disagree with a ban because when a young person is banned from doing something, it basically turns into forbidden fruit. They will definitely find a way around the restrictions. If members do not believe me, just ask my parents. My parents will tell them that when a young person is banned from doing something, they will find a way to do it anyway. It is true. I am kidding around, but anyone who has teenagers or who remembers being a teenager knows that when teens are banned from doing something, their first reaction is not to quietly accept the decision and agree that they are not allowed to do it. Their first reaction is to find a way to do it anyway, because they feel like going on social media. If we choose to ban young people from using social media, we are just going to end up dealing with the problem of them getting around the ban. We will also lose an opportunity to teach, train, warn and protect them, because we will simply be turning a blind eye and saying that social media has been banned and is no longer a problem. We risk losing control. That was my position before we began these extensive consultations. I must admit that I still have not reached a definitive conclusion about what solution we should adopt when it comes to restricting or prohibiting access to these platforms. I am much more open-minded today than I was at the outset, largely because I have heard perspectives that I found both compelling and relevant. With respect to a ban, my esteemed colleague from Lethbridge spoke earlier about what Australia did. She rightly pointed out that restricting access to social media for youth under 16 has not been as effective as some had hoped. Many young people have kept their accounts, while others have found ways around the restrictions by using VPNs or providing false information when creating accounts. However, there has still been a significant reduction in the number of young users on these platforms in Australia. My understanding is that the numbers have fallen by 30% or 35%. I do not have the exact figures here, but it is somewhere around there. This measure was implemented in December 2025. It has not even been in place for a full year, yet the number of people under 16 who are active on social media has dropped by about 35%. Some might say it was not a success, that it failed, but we could also look at it from a different angle and point out that there are now 30% fewer young people online. Maybe they replaced their screen time with something else, like playing outside, participating in activities, reading a book or socializing. Whatever alternative they chose, their time was not spent on social media, because they had no access to it. While it may not have been the resounding success that was hoped for, the minister is no Harry Potter. There is no magic involved. I do not think that we should look on it as a failure. As a measure, it can be adjusted based on the progress or observations made over time. In my opinion, a measure implemented in 2025 that has achieved a 30% success rate should not be dismissed out of hand. All of this brings me to a conversation that really took me by surprise. I was in my riding last week, and I met some exceptional individuals in a confidential setting. I am sorry, but I cannot discuss the details, regardless of parliamentary privilege. One of those exceptional individuals was a physician, Dr. Caroline Bissonnette-Roy, to whom I extend my regards. She works in the community, specifically at the Centre de pédiatrie sociale en communauté Les Petits bonheurs, a pediatric care centre in Drummondville. As everyone knows, these kinds of centres work miracles. The staff there are fantastic. In a conversation with this doctor, we spoke specifically about young people in vulnerable situations. Obviously, the parents of these young people often do not have much education and do not have a lot of time to devote to this part of their kids’ lives. She told me about her day-to-day work, about the children she saw who were psychologically affected by excessive screen time. Often, in certain situations, parents prefer to leave their kids to fend for themselves, for various reasons. I am not judging, obviously. There are all sorts of circumstances, all sorts of contexts. She is seeing this in her own community, in her practice. She is seeing the damage caused by excessive screen time for these kids. We also discussed the situation in Australia. An article had just been published that discussed the relatively questionable success rate of this measure. She told me she was in favour of a total ban, based on what she was seeing, of course. She sees some very difficult cases. She told me that we should ban social media entirely for anyone under the age of 16 or 18. We need to teach young people to go play outside, as I was saying earlier. We need to teach them to go out, go to the park, play hockey in the street, and do activities just like we used to when we were that age. We managed to get by just fine without cellphones. She told me that, as far as she was concerned, if we could get children away from screens and social media, that would be a victory, regardless of how many children we save. Whether we save 20%, 30% or 40% of them does not matter. It is going to be a victory because, according to her, we are literally going to save these young people. Their brains will develop normally, without being stunted by excessive screen time and exposure to the kind of content found on TikTok and other platforms that young people use. I thought that was an interesting perspective. I think we need to take advantage of the minister’s open-mindedness and the government’s willingness to reach out. Let us hope that this will also be the case when the bill is studied in committee. The government seems to be willing to reach out and listen to various perspectives and perhaps to adjust certain positions that may be too strict according to some or too soft according to others. I think we are going to end up with something that truly measures up to expectations. I feel strange saying this, but the whole world is watching. I said the same thing when we were talking about Bill C‑11, the Online Streaming Act. The whole world was watching us then too. Somebody needed to start regulating online streaming platforms. So far, not many countries have taken the lead, shown some backbone and decided to legislate on these issues. I think we owe it to our young people to do this. We also need to do it for the benefit of the entire world. That may sound a bit hyperbolic, but I think it is true. Suffice it to say that we need to adopt robust, binding measures for the digital companies that control these algorithms, which we now know are so harmful to the development of our young people. We need to show that we will not back down and that we are going to set up a system that will hold the right people accountable. When I say that, I am not just talking about the platforms. I am also talking about parents, because we need to give them the best tools we can. As legislators, we absolutely must stand up and do something to try to reverse these negative side effects that are literally destroying an entire generation. I think this is a topic we feel passionately about. We will also be able to discuss video games, which are another place where young people get exposed to all kinds of content through video game chat platforms. We are going to have to address a lot of different issues. I am really looking forward to studying this bill in committee. Bill C-34 is an extremely important bill. It places a heavy responsibility on our shoulders, and we must carry out this work as responsibly as possible.

“I support this bill to make social media safer for children, but we still need to work together to improve it. The government waited far too long to act. Kids spend hours every day online, often without supervision. Social media companies use algorithms that trap young people and expose them to toxic content. We must hold these platforms accountable.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, to begin with, I would like to acknowledge my colleagues who spoke before me on this bill, which I consider to be one of the most important bills before this Parliament. It is extremely important, but also extremely overdue. This comes as no surprise, because with this government, everything happens a little too late, everything happens a little too hastily, and everything is handled rather clumsily at times. I must say that Bill C-34 has several positive aspects, but above all, it raises a number of points for discussion. I really appreciated the minister’s openness at the outset, when he introduced this bill in the House in June. His first instinct after introducing it was to reach out and say that he would love to talk about it, to discuss it, because he would like to know where we stand on the issue, what our position is, and how we could work together to improve the bill. I presume he took the same approach with colleagues from other parties in the House. It is that spirit of openness that leads to well-crafted legislation that takes into account different perspectives and beliefs. It also enables us, as parliamentarians, to make our voices heard and to represent our constituents by consulting them, as my colleague from Lethbridge said earlier. She mentioned that she had met with constituents over the summer and discussed the issues addressed by this bill. Many parents have expressed concerns, often feeling overwhelmed by technologies that literally captivate our children and can take them places we dare not imagine. In fact, parents are often unaware of what their children are exposed to until it is too late. The government should not wait for tragedy to strike before taking action on the toxic content found online. The government should not wait for such events to occur before introducing legislation. Despite the truly shocking and tragic incidents that have occurred over the last few years, the government still dragged its feet. It waited until 2026 to bring forward legislation aimed at addressing online content that is harmful to young social media users in particular. I would remind members that, in the previous Parliament, we had Bill C-63, an omnibus bill that we tried to split up. We tried to split the bill so that we could quickly pass part 1, which was basically in the same spirit as Bill C-34. Most members of the House thought that we could come to an agreement on that part, so we said, let us split the bill, take care of the part that can be dealt with quickly and work together like adults. I think we all feel this issue transcends party lines. After all, we are talking about young people’s safety, our children’s future, and how to keep them safe as they navigate an environment that we do not even fully understand ourselves. It was high time that we addressed this issue, so I welcome the introduction of Bill C-34, even though there are still a lot of things that need to be discussed. The Bloc Québécois is open to this legislation. As I just said, and I think it is rather clear, we agree with the principle of the bill. Obviously, like everyone here, and especially as parents, we care a lot about these issues and are deeply concerned about them. I have teenagers who spend far too much time on screens, especially on their phones and on platforms like Snapchat, Instagram and obviously TikTok, which I am not happy about. They are exposed to content over which I have little or no control. That troubles me as a parent. Where do we draw the line? How do we supervise our children without stopping them from participating in activities that are part of their social life these days? Whether we like it or not, whether we think it is a good idea or not, a big part of their life happens on these platforms. It is their social network, unfortunately. The name says it all. That damned name says it all. It is a social network that we, as parents and legislators, have a duty to supervise, but we also have a duty to do more to hold the platforms accountable. I will come back to that. I would like to share a few figures and statistics that illustrate the extent to which screens and social media have become a part of our lives, particularly among young people. Some 50% of children aged seven to 11 have access to a mobile device and use it on a daily basis. Again, that is one in two children aged seven to 11. Some 83% of children from grade 4 to the end of high school have a mobile device, which is pretty much everyone, and 100% of young people aged 15 and over use the Internet. Kids spend an average of three to five hours a day in front of a screen for entertainment, and most of that time is without parental supervision. That means they are free to go pretty much anywhere the social media platform or website they are using allows them. I think these figures should give any parent cause for concern, worry and even alarm. Why do we need legislation? Why do we have to legislate on this issue? First, as I said a moment ago, we have a role to play as legislators because this is not only a societal issue, but a health issue as well. We must not overlook a single tool. In this case, our tool is our ability to draft and vote on laws and work as hard as possible to ensure that our laws are minimally imperfect and meet our objective as much as possible. As the saying goes, “It takes a village to raise a child”. Imagine social media as a supercity; it takes everyone to navigate it and regulate it safely. There is an important reality that we need to understand, one that I have explored in some depth through discussions with stakeholders in this sector. The Bloc Québécois has met with a number of them, as have my colleagues. In fact, the critics from the various parties have met with many of the same people. What has become clear to me is the extent to which social media is designed to captivate, to literally capture people’s attention and keep it for as long as possible. That is their business model. That is how these platforms generate revenue. It is similar to television, where they try to get the best viewing numbers. Social media operates on the same principle. They use algorithms as a tool to attract young people and keep them engaged. Algorithms are a trap. They act like a tunnel, guiding users to destinations they could never have anticipated when they first set off down that path. Mr. Speaker, there is a lot of noise. Might I ask that you put a stop—