MEMBER OF PARLIAMENT

Tamara Kronis

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Kronis presses for permanent relief from federal fuel taxes, arguing temporary holidays leave farmers, truckers and food producers unable to plan; she also pushes for full debate and committee study of bills, demands measurable results from billion-dollar government food programs, and returns often to jobs and affordability for young people. She leans on anecdotes to make her points: “like lasagna or moussaka, food prices are built in layers.”Written by AI from their statements. Updated .

Average grade
A–
86 / 100 over 111 statements
Signal 77 / 100
Relevance 82 / 100
Respect 100 / 100
Clarity 97 / 100
Loses points more than most for A story that illustrates instead of making a point.2 times as often as most members.What the tags mean ×2.0 Thanks and tributes.1.9 times as often as most members.What the tags mean ×1.9 Loses points less than most for A promise with no date, no measure and no one responsible.Less often than most members.What the tags mean Averaged over the 111 of 132 statements graded so far.

Statements 132

Government Orders ·

Spring Economic Update 2026 Implementation Act

“The Liberals are using their committee majority to hold meetings in secret. This keeps Canadians and other politicians from seeing important information and joining debates. I want my colleague to tell us more about this.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, my colleague mentioned several cases where the government failed to consult properly and where it lacked transparency. He talked about a worrisome trend that we have seen this week now that the Liberals have a majority in committee. They have been holding committee meetings in camera and preventing Canadians and other parliamentarians from having access to important information and participating in debates. Can my colleague tell us more about his concerns?

Oral Questions ·

Finance

“Food banks are expanding on Vancouver Island because groceries cost too much. I want the government to stop spending so much money and lower food prices.”
Official Hansard

Madam Speaker, Loaves & Fishes serves more than 15,000 in more than 44 communities on the island. They are vital, and they are growing, with a new 24,000-square-foot warehouse set to open this month. Some 80% of Canadians say food prices have increased more than any other expense. Groceries, without meat or cheese, regularly cost $100 a bag on the island, yet the Liberal government continues to tell Canadians they have never had it so good. Every measure we propose, they oppose. How many food bank expansions do the Liberals need to see before they stop their costly credit card spending and actually bring food costs down for Canadians?

Statements by Members ·

National Day of Mourning

“Today is the National Day of Mourning. We remember workers who died on the job and support their families. Every worker deserves to come home safe, and we must make sure all workplaces are safe.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, each April 28th we come together in Nanaimo—Ladysmith, throughout Canada and around the world to solemnly mark a day of mourning in memory of people who have lost their life on the job and to renew our commitment to safe workplaces. Whether someone is a chef on a ferry, a scaffolder on a construction site, a machinist in a mill or an administrator in an office, every worker deserves to know they will return home safe at the end of the day. Today we remember the people who did not make it home. We stand with the families, friends and co-workers who carry that loss, and we recommit ourselves to making workplaces safe for everyone. However, this day is not only about looking back. It is also about moving forward. It is about speaking up when something is not right. It is about supporting one another. It is about making sure safety is never treated as optional. My door is always open to the workers in my community to discuss federal issues related to the important work they do. Today we honour the fallen and we renew our commitment to protect the living. Every accident, every injury and every loss of life in the workplace is one too many.

Government Orders ·

Canadian Space Launch Act

In response to a question from Costas Menegakis

“The government makes big promises with this space bill and other laws, but leaves out the details. They ask Canadians to just trust them. I am worried they are taking too much power for themselves and will not use it well.”
  • Reply to a debate question

    Signal 19 of 100

    Much of this statement went to praise, blame, greetings, routine procedure or general stories rather than reasons, requests or specific points.

    See full analysis
  • Reply to a debate question

    Relevance 100 of 100

    Of this reply, 100% addressed the question or point raised.

    See full analysis
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, do not get me wrong. I really respect the fact that the government and my colleagues across the way are struggling to meet the world where it is and to find a good response for Canada in that context. However, there is a disturbing trend, and it does not just come through Bill C-28. It has also shown up in other legislation, like in the acts enabling the Major Projects Office or Build Canada Homes, where there is an ambitious, big, splashy announcement made and promises made that are pie in the sky, sky-high and into orbit, but when we look at the details, the message is, “Just trust us. We have your back.” In a circumstance where the government is undeniably popular right now, that is one thing, but I hope Canadians do not end up with buyer’s remorse down the road when they find out that power has been consolidated in a group of people who do not know how to wield it wisely.

In response to a question from Dan Albas

“This space bill promises big things, but it is missing too many important details and rules.”
  • Reply to a debate question

    Relevance 47 of 100

    None of this reply addressed the specific point raised or the topic under debate.

    See full analysis
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, when I was a little girl, I thought these spaceships went to the moon and beyond through magic and that it was a wonderful, amazing illusion. As I look at this bill, I see yet another example of bills that are magic and illusion in the sense that they purport to put us on even ground with the G7 and to do wonderful and amazing things to propel Canada ahead in the world, but there is an awful lot missing when we look under the covers, including the kind of regulation and detail my colleague just outlined.

In response to a question from Kevin Lamoureux

“This bill is a good opportunity, but it does not have enough detail. We want to study it in committee and add more to it.”
  • Reply to a debate question

    Relevance 100 of 100

    Of this reply, 100% addressed the question or point raised.

    See full analysis
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, I thank the member for both his ambition and his optimism around this. If the bill does speak for itself, it does so very quietly, because it is quite thin on detail. Yes, we agree with the members across the aisle that there is an opportunity here, and we look forward to probing that opportunity in committee and being able to put some substance on the bill.

“This space launch bill needs more details and better oversight. The government is spending a lot of money to lease land in Nova Scotia for rocket launches, and we need to look into that deal. The bill also leaves too many decisions to ministers instead of Parliament, and it does not do enough to address national security.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, this is actually a wonderful opportunity to indicate that I will be splitting my time with the member for Montmorency—Charlevoix. I was starting to talk about the fact that the bill is incredibly ambitious. It has ambitions of galactic proportions, in fact, looking to be able to launch Canadian rockets into space and to enhance our ability to participate in a space program. However, one of the challenges is that right now, the program looks like a gravel pit or a gravel-covered lot in Nova Scotia. I am sure the site was selected for a good reason. I am sure it provides an optimal location to be able to launch from, but I think it is going to be important from an oversight perspective to be able to look at and examine the economics of this deal. We have a very unusual set of circumstances. In this particular case, there was no need, it looks like, from the reports, to actually expropriate this great location. It looks like there was in fact an entity that got there. This was originally, I believe, Crown land and was in fact being leased out to someone who has made what might be a deal of galactic proportions, to be able to lease that space back to the government for a very large amount of money. What I struggle with under these circumstances is that the need to examine this transaction comes at a time when the Liberal government has actually taken steps in the House, in the last 24 hours, to make it harder to do that. I was in the ethics committee last night for several hours, listening to some of my colleagues from across the aisle speak at great length and with incredible lung capacity to the reasons the committee should not, in fact, get access to documents that the members of the committee were seeking in order to examine matters related to the Prime Minister’s schedule, to conflicts of interest and to other matters that Canadians really deserve to be able to see into. Under the conditions we are in, in this country, if we really are, as the Prime Minister says, in a time of rupture, it is so important for the best ideas to rise to the top. There is only one way for us to get the best ideas, and that is to subject them to detailed questioning and analysis. It is in that spirit that we approach our duties with respect to the ethics committee. Of course, everyone knows the government wants to live up to its expectations, but the reason that conflict of interest screens exist and committees like the ethics committee exist is that we are all human. This oversight, and the knowledge that this oversight is there, enables us to be crisp in our adherence to the law and to really have it on our minds all the time, which is so important when we are dealing with taxpayer dollars. That takes me back to the bill and to the fact that already, within hours, frankly, of the initiative being announced, we have some questions as to the financial circumstances around the selection and lease of the site. On top of that, what we layer onto that is a bill that is really and truly quite thin in terms of its regulation. It does not answer some really important questions around how decisions are made, preferring instead to leave them to the discretion of the executive branch of the government. The thing about the executive branch of the government is that it does not operate in this place. It operates across the street and in various other buildings around the parliamentary precinct. It is so important to have that parliamentary oversight, as we think about questions around the safety and security of something as important as a space program, and as we think about the intelligence implications and the other matters that need to be taken into account when we are launching an ambitious program such as this. We are examining the bill at a time when the government has taken some steps, in the last 24 hours, to establish sort of an iron control over committees, which it would be able to use to, quite frankly, stifle debate on these issues. Earlier, one of my colleagues pointed out that in answer to a question about this act, one of the government members involved in transport, I think it might have even been one of the parliamentary secretaries, was discussing how they would be getting information like this. They would be working things out with the Canadian Space Agency. That is of great concern to us because the Canadian Space Agency, while a very important organization, is not an organization that has its focus on security and intelligence matters. There are defence implications to a space program like this. There are commercial implications. There are procurement implications. It really is one of those areas where the more I think about it, the more I see the need for a whole-of-government approach. That is not to create additional bureaucracies but to make sure the legislation is precise and clear enough that different parts of the government, different agencies, understand what their roles and responsibilities are and so that regulations around this program can be developed in a sensible and efficient way that would make sure Canada gets the most out of this program at this very important time. If we are going to build our country in a way that creates good jobs for the next generation, then it is so important to handle this initiative in a responsible way. It is going to be up to the transport committee, and I know my colleagues will do a good job in thinking the bill through. With that, I thank all of my colleagues, from both sides of the aisle, who have contributed to making this important program launch in a good way. I look forward to answering questions about my remarks.

“This bill has big goals for a Canadian space program, but it has very few details. It leaves too many decisions to the government instead of explaining the plan.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to be here today to discuss this important bill. It is a real opportunity to talk about issues that are important to our communities. The government has been incredibly ambitious with this bill, talking about the possibility of launching rockets into space from Canada and developing a national space program by 2028. Yet, in front of us we have a bill that is very easy reading because, at only 10 pages, it sketches out the briefest of details around what that program might look like. It is going to be a challenge for the transport committee to think about how to operationalize this and how to think about asking the government where it is heading on this. One of the characteristics that is emerging from this government, which we really see in this bill, is a trend towards creating a new organization, putting together very thin details around it and then leaving it to the executive branch of government to sort out, with an incredible amount of discretion. What that does under these circumstances is create a real conundrum. It creates a situation where, as constructive members of a loyal opposition, we want to work with this government to realize the ambitions of Canada and to build Canada into the kind of country that we can all be proud of. However, we find ourselves facing these situations without a lot of guidance from the government about where it wants to go. The ambitions associated with this bill are galactic, but the realities are closer to an abandoned—

“My community cares about space launches, but we also need help cleaning up abandoned boats along our coast. The government ended the program to remove them. I want to know when they will reopen it.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, in communities like mine there is a lot of ambition around space launches. Communities like mine are still waiting to know when we are going to get a chance to clean up derelict vessels around the coastline. I have proponents in my communities who want to remove the boats, but the Liberals defunded and closed the program. When are you going to reopen it and deliver relief to my communities?

“I have two questions about this space bill. How much risk should the government take to help start this new industry? And how will we protect taxpayers' money?”
Official Hansard

Madam Speaker, I want to thank my colleague for his informative and enlightening speech. I have two questions for him. Given the uncertainties in the commercial launch market, what level of risk does he think the government should accept when looking to develop a new industry? Also, how can we ensure that taxpayers are well protected?

Government Orders ·

Government Business No. 9—Changes to the Standing Orders

“The government's plan gives it too much control over committees. We have a change that lets some committees keep holding the government to account. I want to know why the government opposes our change.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, as I approach the first anniversary of my coming to this place, it is a good chance to reflect on the lessons I have learned. One of the important lessons someone learns in this place is that just because we can do something, it does not always mean it is a good idea. The government motion we have in front of us would increase the size of committees, as well as the government’s control over them. There is a Conservative amendment to this motion that would simply ensure that while committees are expanded, a small number of them would continue to be able to hold the government to account. It is not about blocking change. It is about protecting the independence and effectiveness of this place. I would like to ask the government House leader if he can explain why the government would oppose a straightforward amendment to keep committees representative of the House and preserve committees’ ability to properly scrutinize government activity.

Private Members' Business ·

An Act to Amend the Criminal Code

“I want the House to pass this bill. It protects victims of partner abuse by creating new crimes, making it harder for abusers to get bail, and letting courts hold abusers to check their risk of hurting someone again.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, it is rare that a member of the House has to begin a speech with a trigger warning, but while some of what I am about to describe is difficult to hear, it is necessary if we are to fully comprehend why we must act on the issue of intimate partner violence. For far too many people in this country, intimate partner violence is not a topic; it is a lived reality. My speech and the bill are dedicated to the victims of intimate partner violence who are watching today. They are dedicated to the family of Bailey McCourt and to all people who did not get the luxury of turning away from what I am about to describe, because these memories that I share today are theirs. They are memories of being held down as the air is squeezed from their lungs. They are memories of complete control over their comings and goings, repeated blows and beatings, a knife used in a moment of rage, threats, isolation, abuse of children and pets, the shouting, the quiet calm before the rage, the knowing what that look means, and figuring out how to get the kids out of the room as if that means they will not hear. This is about rape, violence and death at home, in the very place that should have been the safest. It levels me every time I think about it, and we have to think about it in the House. Some people make it through. Some find the strength to speak. We heard this just days ago at the justice committee, where a survivor described with clarity and composure how control is built piece by piece until there is almost nothing left of the vibrant woman who once was. We heard it in the status of women committee testimony around the bill. However, too many people do not make it through. Bailey McCourt, for whom the bill is named, is dead and unable to speak, killed by a person who was supposed to love and protect her, hours after he was released on bail. Therefore we must speak for Bailey, and more than that, we must act. Bill C-225 is not symbolic. It is a response to a growing and serious problem. We know that the numbers do not tell the full story. We know that many cases go unreported. Fewer than one-third of victims report to police, which means that what police see is only a fraction of what is actually happening. Even less is reported on in our communities, which means that what we know, what we hear about, is an even narrower subset, yet in Canada in 2024, there were over 128,000 victims of intimate partner violence. That is 356 victims per 100,000 Canadians aged 12 and older. That is more than one victim for every person who lives in Nanaimo—Ladysmith. If victims of intimate partner violence were voters, they would fill an entire riding on their own. Women and girls are disproportionately affected. They experience intimate partner violence at three and a half times the rate that men do. When we consider homicides, we see that the numbers become even more stark. Nearly 80% of people killed by an intimate partner are women or girls. Among minorities and indigenous people, the numbers are even worse. These are not isolated incidents; this is a pattern, and beautiful Vancouver Island is not immune. Communities on Vancouver Island face high pressure in the system. We see that not just in police files but also in wait-lists and in service demand. Hundreds of people in our communities are waiting for safe housing and support, with hundreds on wait-lists for transitional and second-stage housing. This means that people ready to leave violence often have nowhere to go. It means delay, and delay in these cases can be deadly. Laura Gover, a 41-year-old mother and a professor at both Vancouver Island University and Camosun College, was murdered this January in her home by her ex-husband, the day before a court date, leaving behind two preteen daughters. Amy Watts was just 27 years old when she was thrown off a cliff to her death by her ex. In many of these cases, there are clear warnings signs, prior incidents and opportunities to intervene. Too often, these opportunities are fleeting or missed. An abuser does not rely on violence alone. They isolate. They manipulate. They reshape their victim’s world until it becomes smaller and smaller. They create a world where their victim begins to doubt their own instincts and lose their identity, then their confidence in the world around them, and ultimately their ability to leave. By the time the physical violence escalates, many victims are already trapped in ways that are not always visible from the outside, and it does escalate. That is what makes this issue so difficult and so dangerous. Our laws have simply not kept pace with reality. Bill C-225 would take important steps to close the gaps. It would create specific offences for violence against an intimate partner, recognizing that this is not the same as other forms of assault; it carries a higher risk of escalation and a higher risk of death. Bill C-225 would establish that when murder occurs in the context of intimate partner violence, particularly where coercive control is present, it should be treated as first-degree murder. This would reflect the reality that these acts are rarely sudden but rather are the result of a pattern. These provisions would remove the strain on families while they wait to see whether charges will be upgraded. The bill would strengthen peace bonds by introducing reverse onus provisions, ensuring that people who pose a risk are not released without serious consideration of the danger they present. The bill would allow for a seven-day period of custody for risk assessment, giving authorities the time needed to properly evaluate the threat and to take steps to further protect victims. The bill would address how evidence is handled, recognizing that these cases often involve patterns of behaviour over time, not just a single incident. These are measured, practical changes designed to intervene earlier and to prosecute more effectively, because there have been too many cases where the signs were there, the risk was known and the outcome could have been different: Bailey McCourt, Laura Gover and Amy Watts. We say their names. These are cases that weigh on our communities and raise difficult questions about whether more could have been done. Bill C-225, Bailey’s law, is about doing better. It is about recognizing patterns of abuse before they escalate to the point of no return. It is about giving our justice system tools that reflect what we now understand about coercive control, intimate partner violence and the tools that law enforcement needs to respond, and it is about sending a clear message that this kind of violence will be treated with the seriousness it deserves. All members of the House have spoken to survivors of intimate partner violence. All of us have tried to comfort grieving families. The question is no longer whether we understand the problem. The question is whether we are prepared to act. I admire my hon. colleague from Kamloops—Thompson—Nicola for bringing the bill forward after extensive consultation. The bill reflects the voices of victims, the work of advocates and the painful lessons learned from cases that should never have ended the way they did: in trauma, in injury or in death. I applaud my colleague for working with communities and in committee to come up with meaningful legislation to push back the evil, to make the system see and to transform suffering into change. Passing the bill would not solve everything. There is more work to be done on prevention, on support services and on ensuring that people have safe options when they need to leave, but Bill C-225 is a meaningful step. It acknowledges the reality of what victims face, and it would move us closer to a system that reflects that reality. We cannot keep responding after the fact. We must intervene earlier. We must take risk seriously, and we must put the safety of victims at the centre of our approach. That is what Bill C-225 would do, and that is why it deserves the support of every member of the House. May the memory of each of the victims be a blessing, and may they inspire the House to take all steps possible to end intimate partner violence.