Safe Social Media Act

Bill C-34, Safe Social Media Act · Second reading · now at committee in the House Where it stands

What Bill C-34 would do

The bill would create the Digital Safety Act and set up the Digital Safety Commission of Canada to oversee it. Operators of regulated social media and chatbot services would have to mitigate exposure to harmful content, label synthetic content, and protect children through design features and age limits. Platforms would also have to remove non-consensual intimate content and child sexual abuse material, and submit digital safety plans to the commission.

Official text (opens in a new tab)

81 statements

Kelly DeRidder, Kitchener Centre

Conservative
“Children face growing dangers online, and parents cannot protect them alone. I support making social media safer, but this bill needs to answer hard questions before we pass it. We need to know how safety rules will be measured, how age verification will protect people's privacy, and how parents will still get to make decisions for their own families.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, there are many parents and grandparents in this room and listening who, I am sure, all want the same thing: to know that when our children or grandchildren go online, they are safe. We want our children to be able to talk to friends, learn new things, play games and research their interests without worrying that someone might be trying to exploit them, bully them or expose them to things they are not ready to see. For many parents, that peace of mind is hard to find. Parents can do everything right. They can set rules for screen time, monitor what sites their children visit and even teach them about online harms and safety or what to do when they feel uncomfortable. What parents cannot control is what a social media site recommends to their child. They cannot personally review every single message that their child receives, and they cannot make a tech company remove harmful content just because it puts their child at risk. That is the challenge we are facing today. Children are spending more of their time online than ever before. The risks they are facing change as fast as the technology does. One in four Canadian children between the ages of 12 and 17 has experienced cyber-bullying. In 2024, police reported that online child exploitation reached 16,905 children, up 347% from 2014. Behind those numbers are real families and real children who have real trauma from it. We have seen the consequences of online harm in cases like that of Amanda Todd. As AI becomes more common and more integrated into our children’s lives, we need to know where the responsibility lies when something goes wrong. This brings us to Bill C-34. The bill proposes responsibilities for social media companies and AI chatbots. It would require them to take steps to protect children and address harmful content. It would also establish the new digital safety commission of Canada to oversee compliance, investigate complaints and enforce the rules. I think we can all agree that we want our children to be safe online. The question is, how do we get there? Good intentions are not enough. For too long, parents have been expected to manage these risks alone. We can think about how social media works for one second. What is recommended is not random. It is designed to keep people watching. It is designed for children to keep scrolling, the video playbacks to be played based on what they are viewing, and constant ads or continual use by children as they scroll through the platforms. These features can make it difficult for young people to put their phones down. It can also affect what content a child will see next. Technology companies make decisions about how their products work, but they also need to take responsibility. Bill C-34 proposes requirements for safer design, but that raises a question. What does safer design mean, and how will we know what changes are working? Parents do not have the comfort to wait years to find out what these changes will bring. We need clear expectations, measurable results and a way to hold companies accountable when they fall short. This brings me to another part of the bill, on age restrictions. Bill C-34 would require social media apps to verify age to prevent users under the age of 16 from having accounts. The intention is understandable. There are legitimate concerns about the effects of social media on young people. Many parents today are already doing what they can to limit or restrict social media use. My question is, what if a teenager is determined to still use these platforms? They may move to a site that is less known and has fewer safeguards. They may end up giving their parents even less visibility into what is happening. A restriction is only effective if it can be enforced and it keeps children safe in the process. We also need to ask how this verification would work. If Canadians have to provide some sort of identification or other personal information to prove their age, how will that information be protected? We need to make sure that in the effort to protect our children, we do not create unnecessary risks for everyone, including our children. We also need to consider the role of parents. Parents know their children. They understand their needs better than anybody else, especially in ways the government cannot. A parent may decide that their 15-year-old is not ready for online activities, while another says that potentially theirs is. We do not know this yet. Not all families will come to the same decision, and the law needs to account for how these rules would affect them. Parents cannot be expected to solve every single online problem on their own, and they have to be a part of this conversation. Online safety should be a shared responsibility. Yes, parents need the tools to help them make the best decisions for their own families, but big tech companies also need to do their part. The government must do its part as well. Would these measures actually make children safer? Would tech companies be held accountable for the risks that these platforms create? Would parents have the tools needed to protect their children while their privacy is being respected? We need to have the answers as the bill moves forward. Parents are asking for help, and technology companies should not be able to ignore the harms that their products are causing to children. Our responsibility is to make sure that the rules we put in place work to protect children and respect the rights of Canadians. At the end of the day, parents do not want another empty promise that the Internet will be safer. They need protections that actually work.

Kevin Lamoureux, Parliamentary Secretary to the Leader of the Government in the House of Commons

Liberal
“This bill protects Canadian children from harmful content online. It creates a digital safety commission that can fine companies that break the rules. I want to know if the member supports this bill and the commission.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, it is really important that we recognize that Bill C-34 is all about protecting the children in Canada. It would complement the wonderful job that parents and guardians provide, but it recognizes that the Internet is seven days a week, 24 hours a day, and that there is harmful content there. What we are hoping to see from the Conservative Party is support in principle for a digital safety commission so that when we have the regulations, they would actually be enforced with, potentially, things like fines. There has to be a consequence that gives the legislation teeth in its actions to protect our children. In principle, does the member support the legislation and, in particular, the commission?

Kelly DeRidder, Kitchener Centre

Conservative
“I agree that we must keep children safe online and hold tech companies accountable with strong rules. But people have emailed me with concerns about the new commission's powers. We need to look closely at those powers in committee.”
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Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, I wholeheartedly agree that we absolutely want to keep our children safe. The whole principle of the bill is keeping our children safe on the platforms they are continually using. Every single day, this is where they gather. It is where they play. We need to ensure that tech companies are held accountable. We also agree that this legislation needs to have real teeth in it, absolutely. One of the things, though, that I have received emails about is the commission’s powers and accountability. These are the things we are going to need to discuss in committee moving forward.

Mario Simard, Jonquière—Hébertville—Pays-des-Bleuets

Bloc Québécois
“The government often backs down to big tech companies, like it did with digital taxes. Those companies might get the American president to put economic pressure on Canada over this bill. Does my colleague also worry the government will give in to that pressure?”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, I am wondering whether my colleague shares my concern. As we have seen, the government has occasionally had a regrettable tendency to let the tech giants off easy. We need only think of the digital services tax or the levies, two areas where the government has backed down. We know that legislation like this is likely to displease platforms like Facebook. We also know how much influence these people can have on the U.S. President. Does my colleague fear, as I do, that the government might end up backing down if the Americans were to exert economic pressure to persuade us not to go down this route?

Kelly DeRidder, Kitchener Centre

Conservative
“This bill would make social media companies and chatbots reduce the risks of seven kinds of harmful online content. When this bill goes to committee, we must make sure these companies are truly held accountable, not just pretend to be.”
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  • A repeated line

    “Content that induces a child to harm themselves.”

    Said 6 times by 6 members since October 28.

    Every time it was said
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, there is a piece in the legislation on the duties of operators, which would hold big tech accountable, and in there is the duty to act responsibly. It would require social media and these platforms and services like chatbots to assess and mitigate risks associated with seven categories of harmful content. Those categories are intimate content communicated without consent; content that sexually victimizes a child or revictimizes a survivor; content that induces a child to harm themselves; content used to bully a child; content that foments hatred; content that incites violence; and terrorism or violent extremism content. A piece of this that we will have to look at when this moves to committee is ensuring that there would be true accountability by these content providers and that it is not just an illusion. As such, this is something that we will be talking about as this moves forward.

Pat Kelly, Calgary Crowfoot

Conservative
“A commission cannot fix online harms on its own. Some online harms are crimes, and the police should handle crimes. We must look at this bill carefully and get it right. Does the member agree that a committee should study these questions and change the bill?”
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Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, earlier in the debate, the member was asked about support for the creation of a commission, which is part of the act. I do not think a part of this, like the commission, could be or is a complete answer to the question of online harms. Some online harms are criminal acts. When crimes are committed, the commission of crime is a matter for law enforcement, not a commission. I think it is really important that we examine all of the issues around this bill and that we get it right. Does the member agree that there are many questions that a parliamentary committee needs to address? Does she think there is likely room for amendment?

Kelly DeRidder, Kitchener Centre

Conservative
“I agree. A committee must look closely at this bill. The new commission would have too much power and might just add more bureaucracy to avoid real blame and criminal accountability.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, yes, I agree. This is absolutely something that needs to be scrutinized as we move into committee. The commission would be a superregulator and be able to make its own decisions. Would there really be accountability in that, or is it just going to be another excuse, another layer of bureaucracy, where we would be able to pass blame instead of having real, true criminal accountability for a few of the items just discussed?

Ruby Sahota, Secretary of State (Combatting Crime)

Liberal
“I want the House to pass this bill to keep Canadians safe online. Social media platforms spread harmful content, and their rules are not consistent. This bill sets basic safety rules for all platforms and defines what harmful content must be stopped, including content that sexually abuses children.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to rise in the House today to participate in second reading debate on Bill C-34, the safe social media act. Our government is focused on supporting victims of crime as well as the important work of protecting Canadians online. My time today will focus on how the bill would address these priorities through the types of harmful content covered and why it is necessary in protecting Canadians online. While the online world continues to evolve, and our digital reality continues to change, platforms, self-expression and the exchange of information have given rise to a new set of challenges. Online platforms have algorithms designed for harmful content to spread and multiply, exposing users to terrible harm. Some platforms have limited rules, community standards or terms of service. However, those definitions, thresholds and practices vary hugely from service to service. One platform may label or remove content, but another may even promote it, creating visible inconsistencies and significant gaps in protection. Canadians should be able to rely on a minimum baseline safety standard across all platforms. Bill C-34 would do this by defining specific categories of harmful content, including the following seven categories: content that sexually victimizes a child or revictimizes—

Mario Simard, Jonquière—Hébertville—Pays-des-Bleuets

Bloc Québécois
“Please do not let your papers touch the microphone. It hurts the interpreters' ears.”
Official Hansard

I would like to remind my colleague not to let her papers touch the microphone. It is bad for the interpreters’ ears.

Ruby Sahota, Secretary of State (Combatting Crime)

Liberal
“I want the House to pass this bill. It makes social media platforms protect Canadians from seven kinds of harm, like bullying kids, spreading hate, and sharing private photos without consent. It also keeps children off adult websites and labels fake content made by computers.”
  • A repeated line

    “Content that induces a child to harm themselves.”

    Said 6 times by 6 members since October 28.

    Every time it was said
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, I was addressing the following seven categories, which are outlined in the bill: first, content that sexually victimizes a child or revictimizes a survivor; second, intimate content communicated without consent; third, content used to bully a child; fourth, content that induces a child to harm themselves; fifth, content that foments hatred; sixth, content that incites violence; and, last, terrorism or violent extremism content. The first category is content that sexually victimizes a child or revictimizes a survivor, which is among the most serious harms that this bill would address. I have travelled across the country and talked to law enforcement, and of course to the RCMP here in Ottawa, and cases involving this type of harmful content are on the rise. The pain caused by this kind of content is profound, ongoing and not limited to the original act of victimization. When such material is communicated, reproduced, circulated or re-encountered online, the harm is continuously experienced over time, each reappearance reviving the pain of the original trauma to the victim. The second category is intimate content communicated without consent. This category has a particular gender dimension. Online harassment affects women at a much higher rate than men. This may take the form of revenge porn, which is a specific type of intimate content shared or posted without consent. It also manifests itself through sexual extortion, in which victims are forced to pay sums of money to have images taken down. In this category, the harm is deeply personal, often immediate and in many cases particularly devastating for the victims, whose dignity, privacy and autonomy are violated in an online world accessible to their friends and family. The third category is content used to bully a child, which addresses the harm that many children experience online, but is not currently adequately or expeditiously addressed. Content used to bully a child can have significant cumulative and negative impacts on a child’s physical and mental health, development and self-esteem. Over time, relationships can also be impacted by this type of harm. Bill C-34’s definition does not catch mere rudeness or criticism. The act’s definition focuses on content that could cause serious harm to a child’s physical or mental health. General expressions of opinion are not captured, and this carefully bounded definition addresses serious cyber-bullying while respecting broader expression. The fourth category is content that induces a child to harm themselves. This addresses content that advocates for, or advises a person to engage in, self-harm, disordered eating or dying by suicide. In fact, over the past decade, depression has doubled among Canadians aged 15 to 24. Anxiety has quadrupled, and emergency room visits for self-harm among teenage girls has risen by 138% in my home province of Ontario. The fifth defined harm is content that foments hatred. The definition of “hatred” abides by the Supreme Court’s now widely accepted definition, as set out in R v. Keegstra. This content expresses extreme detestation or vilification on the basis of a protected characteristic under the Canadian Human Rights Act. The sixth category is content that incites violence and captures content that actively encourages real-world harm and pain. Violence and the threat of violence have spiked online, enabled by circulation and amplification. I am sure many of my colleagues have witnessed this themselves. It should be noted at this point that Bill C-34 would not newly criminalize this. Death threats are already illegal, as they should be in a free society. This inclusion in the bill would simply strengthen online platforms’ obligations to address it and to remove it. The seventh and final category is terrorism or violent extremism content. Here, the definition captures content that actively encourages, promotes, facilitates, offers training for or recruits for violent extremist or terrorist activity. Training, encouragement, operational assistance and recruitment play a role in international terrorism networks, festering and predating online. In addition to the seven types of harmful content, the act tackles access to pornography, requiring covered services to ensure that pornographic content is not accessible to children. It would do so by requiring age verification or estimation measures to be used to prevent access to pornographic content. The act also addresses an emerging technology with potential for significant harm: synthetic content. In the bill, synthetic content is defined as computer-generated content whose depiction is likely to be mistaken as authentic. This captures content like deepfakes and AI-generated materials that look real. Synthetic text is excluded from the scope of the bill. Only synthetic images, audio or video would be subject to the labelling requirement. The safe social media act also addresses coordinated, inauthentic behaviour or bot campaigns. Under the duty to act responsibly, social media services would have to mitigate risks to exposure and label content from bot campaigns, combatting disinformation and foreign interference campaigns. Bill C-34 would combat the most damaging types of harmful content online in a manner that aligns with other regimes and other jurisdictions. The safe social media act is in line with our government’s commitment to supporting victims of crime, as well as the protection of Canadians online, while respecting rights, institutional roles and the realities of today’s online world.

Pat Kelly, Calgary Crowfoot

Conservative
“We do not need this bill. Things like terrorism, hate, and death threats online are already serious crimes. When people do these things, they should be reported to the police and prosecuted. We do not need a new commission when we should just enforce the laws we already have.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, in different parts of her speech, the member described some online harms that are criminal acts. As she said, they do not require changes in law. There is harmful content online that involves terrorism, fomenting hatred, threats and death threats, and these kinds of things are already serious crimes. When a serious crime is committed, a person should be sent straight to the police and prosecuted. The Liberals would make this commission a separate new structure, but should we not have more efficient enforcement of our existing laws?

Ruby Sahota, Secretary of State (Combatting Crime)

Liberal
“I want the House to pass this bill. Harmful online content has increased a lot over the last 10 to 12 years. This bill helps police by removing harmful posts while they investigate crimes, which protects victims. The police want this change.”
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Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, as I mentioned, the increase in these types of situations has been severe over the last 10 to 12 years, with more people in these online spaces and the changes that have happened to social media. This bill would augment the work of law enforcement. It would not hinder it. It would help support the work they are doing. Giving this commission a clear threshold and removing this type of harmful content online would, as I mentioned in my speech, help victims not be revictimized while the police are doing investigations and the work they need to do when criminal thresholds have been met and criminal charges can be laid. This would complement the work of law enforcement, and they welcome this change.

Mario Simard, Jonquière—Hébertville—Pays-des-Bleuets

Bloc Québécois
“The government has backed down on tech taxes before so it would not upset big tech companies. Big tech companies do not like bills like this, and they have influence with the United States government. Can the member promise that the government will not back down if the United States pressures us to drop this bill?”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, I would love to hear my colleague’s perspective. I do have one concern. In the past, I have seen the government back down on things like the digital services tax and the levies so as not to upset the tech giants, which have privileged access to President Trump. We know that legislation like this can be unpopular with big tech. Lawsuits have been brought against such measures in the United States. Is my colleague sure that the government will not back down if the U.S. government decides to exert pressure to block this kind of legislation?

Ruby Sahota, Secretary of State (Combatting Crime)

Liberal
“Our government is committed to holding big tech companies accountable and protecting children from online harms like sextortion. We showed this by passing another bill that makes tech companies keep evidence to help police solve crimes, even without the opposition's support. All our online safety bills are meant to regulate these companies and punish people who harm others online.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, I think people can see our commitment just by looking at Bill C-22, which is currently in the other place. It took over a year of debating that bill in the House of Commons to finally get it through committee and get it passed, without the support of opposition parties. That bill is going to be crucial in helping to solve a lot of cases and going up against the big tech companies, which can preserve the information needed in an online space when harm is done to someone. Take sextortion as an example. Many children have lost their lives over sextortion in our country. Those cases could be prevented and solved quicker, and people could be held accountable. All the pieces of legislation that we are putting forward are for making sure that these companies are better regulated and are accountable and that the person who does the harm is charged and convicted.

Kevin Lamoureux, Parliamentary Secretary to the Leader of the Government in the House of Commons

Liberal
“I support this bill. It protects Canadian children and helps make our communities safer. I thank the secretary of state for her work on it.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, I want to personally express my appreciation for and thanks to the secretary of state. She has been leading the fight here, with a number of legislative initiatives to make our communities safer, on behalf of the Prime Minister and the entire government caucus, working with a couple of other ministers. I believe she is right when she says that this is a very important aspect of protecting the children of Canada, and it complements many other initiatives. This Parliament has brought forward a historic number of pieces of legislation to make our communities safer, and I want to express my appreciation, as I know many of my constituents do, for what she has been able to accomplish.

Ruby Sahota, Secretary of State (Combatting Crime)

Liberal
“I agree with my colleague. We need to pass these bills together to fight harmful online activity and better protect children.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, to my colleague, who has done a lot of heavy lifting in debating these issues in the House, I appreciate the feedback on these important bills. He is right. They are all complementary. We need to put all of these things together so we can combat this type of activity and protect our children better.

Mario Simard, Jonquière—Hébertville—Pays-des-Bleuets

Bloc Québécois
“We must act to protect young people from social media harm. But this bill touches education and youth protection, which belong to the provinces. Quebec must be allowed to make its own rules to protect its youth. The federal government should only deal with federal areas and respect Quebec's power to decide for itself.”
  • A repeated line

    “In addressing the effects of influencers and social media on children and adolescents.”

    Said 4 times by 3 members since October 29.

    Every time it was said
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to rise to speak to Bill C‑34. We have heard a great deal of anecdotal evidence this morning, and I believe all my colleagues would agree that something along the lines of a precautionary principle is warranted. In risk management, we are often faced with uncertainty about the economic or social consequences of taking political action. However, uncertainty must not keep us from taking action. In this case, I believe we are dealing with an issue that calls for the application of the precautionary principle. Like all my colleagues, I am familiar with the many concerns surrounding digital platforms and social media, whether it be Facebook, TikTok, harmful influencer content, the spread of misogyny or the rise of toxic masculinity. I do not intend to revisit all of those issues today. I believe my colleagues have already painted a compelling picture this morning. These are challenges we are all aware of, and for those of us who have children in our lives, they are concerns we all share. As we consider this bill, I want to steer the conversation to something else, the thorny issue that the Liberal government often tries to sidestep, namely, the autonomy and the cultural distinctiveness of the Quebec nation. There is no getting around this issue in the context of this bill. However, I want to be clear from the outset: The Bloc Québécois is convinced that we need to take action urgently to hold web giants to account and protect young people from online harm. My colleagues have made that very clear in their speeches. If members look at the Constitution, they will see, as I do, that because the federal government has jurisdiction over telecommunications, it has a responsibility and a duty to implement modern regulations that are commensurate with the problem. However, it must be said this issue has many facets and some of those facets fall under areas of provincial jurisdiction. For example, Bill C-34 has an education component when it comes to what public authorities need to do to support young people in the digital world, yet that cannot fall under federal jurisdiction. In my view, that alone is enough to call on the federal government not to act alone on Bill C-34. What has the Liberal government done so far after asking public servants to draft Bill C‑34? Unfortunately, it has decided to act alone. The government actually already had guidelines for addressing this kind of problem. In particular, there was the report of the Standing Committee on Canadian Heritage, which warned the government about the effects of influencers and social media on children and teens. The committee recommended: That the Government of Canada, in addressing the effects of influencers and social media on children and adolescents—and while recognizing the jurisdiction and primacy of the provinces in matters relating to social services and youth protection—adopt an asymmetrical and flexible approach. Had the government followed the recommendation of the Standing Committee on Canadian Heritage, we should have seen an asymmetrical and flexible approach in Bill C-34. This raises a fairly straightforward question. Does Bill C-34 respect the jurisdiction and primacy of the provinces in matters relating to social services and youth protection? Does the bill adopt an asymmetrical and flexible approach that takes Quebec’s specific circumstances into account? We will have the opportunity to examine that in committee, but at this stage, the answer appears to be no. That raises another question. In drafting Bill C-34, did the federal government consult with Quebec and the provinces to seek their views on the issue at hand and on the best ways to address it? To my knowledge, once again, the answer appears to be no. Next, we would need to determine whether the mechanisms provided for in Bill C-34 apply a principle of asymmetry. This seems essential to me in the Canadian context, where there are 10 provinces. Actually, Quebec is not really a province, since it is a nation. Such a principle would allow a territory, for example, Quebec, to develop its own response and solutions to the problem. Upon reading Bill C-34, it appears that no such provision for asymmetry exists. However, it is clear that the democratic will of Quebec and the provinces may differ from the solutions ultimately adopted by the federal government. This possibility is all the more likely given that Quebec, again, is not a province like any other, but rather a nation with a certain degree of political autonomy and distinct cultural characteristics. As I mentioned in my introduction, the Bloc Québécois is not necessarily opposed to the solutions presented in the bill, although we do prefer educational measures and tools, a preference that, incidentally, is perfectly compatible with our other preference for decisions and policies made and adopted by the National Assembly of Quebec, which has sole jurisdiction over education. This brings up another issue that I think is fundamental. In our society, which level of government is ultimately responsible for protecting youth in Quebec, creating social conditions that are conducive to their development and ensuring that they have a better future? The answer is very clearly the Quebec government. Logically, major social debates affecting Quebec youth are discussed within Quebec’s own democratic processes and result from decisions made by the Quebec government, which are carried over into Quebec laws. These laws are passed in the only parliament with the standing to make decisions for the future of Quebec society as a whole: the Quebec National Assembly. Issues affecting Quebec youth will not be decided in this Parliament. Ottawa will not be the one to decide how we can protect Quebec youth in the context of digital platforms. Quebeckers will want to discuss, debate and agree on the best way forward. Canadians will rightly hold those discussions too, but they will be two separate discussions held by two distinct nations. In this case, Quebec’s cultural distinctiveness must be taken into consideration, as well as our desire for greater political autonomy. Quebec may want to restrict access to social media to children and teenagers, or it may find another solution that works for it. The Standing Committee on Canadian Heritage wisely recommended that the government understand and respect this reality. Unfortunately, it appears that the Liberal government has not seen the wisdom of heeding the recommendation of the Standing Committee on Canadian Heritage. The Bloc Québécois will fully co-operate with members of all political parties in discussing aspects of the issue that fall solely under federal jurisdiction and in studying and exploring the best ways to hold big tech to account and force tech companies to adopt more responsible practices. I must emphasize, however, that the Bloc Québécois will defend Quebec’s jurisdiction over youth and education and will assert the primacy of Quebec’s democratic conversation and its superior authority in shaping the most important societal debates. Nothing is more important than young people and their future, but any decision on the matter falls within the purview of the Quebec nation.

Jean-Yves Duclos, Québec Centre

Liberal
“The federal government has the power and the duty to protect young people on social media. Taking action at the federal level does not stop Quebec from passing its own rules to protect children too.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, some aspects of my colleague’s speech were clear, but others were not. One thing he made clear is that the Government of Canada has both the jurisdiction and the responsibility to protect our young people when it comes to social media. Less clear were his suggestions that the Canadian government could prevent the Government of Quebec from doing the same. How does the fact that the Canadian government is providing strong leadership to protect our children prevent the Government of Quebec from implementing its own measures to protect our young people, if it chooses to do so?

Mario Simard, Jonquière—Hébertville—Pays-des-Bleuets

Bloc Québécois
“This bill touches on education and Quebec culture, which are areas where Quebec has the power to make laws. The federal government has power over telecommunications, but it is stepping into areas that belong to the provinces. I want the federal government to respect Quebec's powers.”
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Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, one thing that has been extensively documented in Canadian political history is recurrence of predatory federalism, when the federal government chooses to make decisions in areas outside its jurisdiction. All I was trying to point out to my colleague is that, on closer examination of the bill, we see that it definitely includes aspects related to education and our cultural distinctiveness. The Quebec government is best placed to address these imperatives. I completely understand that residual powers give the federal government the ability to legislate on matters related to telecommunications, but we should not overlook the essential fact that Quebec also has the ability to legislate in its its areas of jurisdiction. We are asking the federal government to take that into consideration.

Jacques Gourde, Lévis—Lotbinière

Conservative

Linked statement

“I want my colleague to talk about what consultations happened with Quebec. I also want him to say if the government will work with the opposition on this bill in committee, or if the majority will just force its decisions through.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, I would like my colleague to circle back to the consultations with Quebec. At the same time, he could say a few words about the government’s co-operation on this bill in committee. Does he expect there will be co-operation, or will the majority make a decision against the opposition?

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