Medical Assistance in Dying Safeguards Act

Bill C-41, Medical Assistance in Dying Safeguards Act · Second reading · now at second reading in the House Where it stands

What Bill C-41 would do

The bill would permit doctors and nurse practitioners to provide medical assistance in dying to people who have lost the capacity to consent, if they made an advance request while still able to do so. To qualify, the person must have been diagnosed with a serious and incurable condition expected to cause that loss of capacity, and their province must have a system to store and track those requests. The bill would also permanently exclude people from receiving assisted dying solely on the basis of a mental illness.

Official text (opens in a new tab)

177 statements

Kevin Lamoureux, Parliamentary Secretary to the Leader of the Government in the House of Commons

Liberal
“I want the member to tell us if her position on medically assisted dying reflects what most people in her riding actually want.”
Official Hansard

Madam Speaker, I posed a question to the member’s colleague in regard to the whole issue of advance directives, which has actually been in the public for many years. We can go back to the 1990s, when we had courts dealing with a different form of MAID. However, the question I have for the member is this: Does she believe that her position on the issue reflects what a majority of her constituents would want her say about MAID? Does she believe that she has provided balance, at the very least, or recognized what her own constituents, and it might even be a majority, have to say about this very sensitive issue?

Cheryl Gallant, Algonquin—Renfrew—Pembroke

Conservative
“Most people who contacted me do not want this assisted dying bill to pass. We have not talked enough about advance requests. There are not enough safeguards to protect people who do not want it, are not ready, or change their minds.”
Official Hansard

Madam Speaker, the overwhelming majority of people who have contacted me do not want MAID to go forward. Quite frankly, the discussion on advance requests has really not been fully discussed. In fact, it has not been discussed at all. Very few people have raised the issue of advance requests and the whole issue of safeguards has never been put into place. That is what their concern is, that the safeguards will not be there for those who are not ready, do not want it or want to change their mind, are in place.

Luc Thériault, Montcalm

Bloc Québécois
“The Supreme Court ruled that the right to life does not force people to stay alive at all costs, and it does not ban assisted dying. I want the member to tell me if she agrees with that.”
Official Hansard

Madam Speaker, I am going to quote the Carter decision, and I would like my colleague to tell me whether she agrees with this statement. This said, we do not agree that the existential formulation of the right to life requires an absolute prohibition on assistance in dying, or that individuals cannot “waive” their right to life. This would create a “duty to live”, rather than a “right to life”, and would call into question the legality of any consent to the withdrawal or refusal of lifesaving or life-sustaining treatment. The sanctity of life is one of our most fundamental societal values. Section 7 is rooted in a profound respect for the value of human life. But s. 7 also encompasses life, liberty and security of the person during the passage to death. It is for this reason that the sanctity of life “is no longer seen to require that all human life be preserved at all costs”. What does my colleague think about that?

Cheryl Gallant, Algonquin—Renfrew—Pembroke

Conservative
“People can already refuse treatments to keep them alive. Most people in my riding oppose assisted dying. They would rather spend time and money on hospices so people can die in comfort, not have their deaths sped up.”
Official Hansard

Madam Speaker, extreme procedures for extending life do not have to be performed if people do not want them to be performed. It is not a sin to reject special treatment to extend life. Now, in terms of the other topic, I would say the vast majority of people in my riding value life and compassion to the point of, instead of even thinking about MAID, they would rather put their money, their time and their volunteer hours into hospices to make sure that, when somebody passes, they do so in comfort rather than having the process sped up. That is because people from where I come from, including myself, believe in miracles.

Tamara Jansen, Cloverdale—Langley City

Conservative
“Liberals claim that anyone who opposes this bill is putting vulnerable people at risk. But Conservatives already tried to permanently stop assisted dying for mental illness, and the Liberals voted against it. Why is the government forcing us to expand assisted dying just to protect people with mental illness, instead of dealing with these two issues separately?”
Official Hansard

Madam Speaker, we have heard the Liberals argue that anyone who does not support this bill is putting vulnerable Canadians at risk, but Conservatives have already put forward legislation to permanently exclude mental illness, and the Liberals voted against it. Could my colleague explain why the government is now insisting that protecting Canadians struggling with mental illness must come at the price of expanding assisted dying, when Parliament could deal with these two issues separately?

Cheryl Gallant, Algonquin—Renfrew—Pembroke

Conservative
“The Liberals are doing something diabolical. It seems like they want to use assisted dying to deal with mental illness just to save money.”
Official Hansard

Madam Speaker, I cannot get my head into the brain of a Liberal. It is quite diabolical what they are doing. It sounds like they would rather save money and deal with mental illness by having MAID.

Rosemarie Falk, Battlefords—Lloydminster—Meadow Lake

Conservative
“I want to permanently ban assisted dying for people with only a mental illness, and I oppose this bill because it expands assisted dying in other ways. Mental illness can get better with treatment, and doctors cannot reliably tell if someone will recover or if they are suicidal. The government should not mix the mental illness ban with new expansions in one bill.”
Official Hansard

Madam Speaker, when considering legislation, we have a responsibility as parliamentarians to think carefully about the decisions we make in this place and the real-life impacts they have on Canadians. That responsibility is even greater when we are dealing with matters of life and death. Medical assistance in dying is not an ordinary policy issue. The decisions made under this legislation have final and irreversible consequences. There is no opportunity to change course or undo what has been done. I approach this legislation with a deep respect for the inherent value of human life and with the conviction that our laws must offer protection to those who are most vulnerable. That responsibility is particularly important when we consider the changes to Canada’s MAID framework before us today. One area where these concerns have been particularly evident is the question of MAID for individuals whose sole underlying medical condition is mental illness. Previous Liberal legislation amended the Criminal Code to include a two-year prohibition on the availability of MAID for mental illness. The legislation included a sunset clause that would allow the exclusion to expire, opening the door to this expansion of MAID eligibility. Including a sunset clause on such a significant change was reckless. Mental health experts and advocates have continuously raised serious concerns about expanding MAID eligibility to include mental illness, and a mental illness should not be treated as irremediable. Recovery is possible even for those experiencing severe and prolonged suffering. A person’s circumstances and response to treatment can change over time. Someone experiencing severe suffering today may find relief through treatment and support tomorrow. The most important message we can send to those struggling with their mental health is that there is always hope for recovery. Offering someone MAID when they are experiencing hopelessness risks taking away the opportunity for that recovery. That is why the Special Joint Committee on MAID recommended making the exclusion for mental illness permanent in the Criminal Code. This recommendation followed testimony from medical experts, researchers, advocates and Canadians with lived experience. The chief medical officer at the Centre for Addiction and Mental Health told the committee that there is currently no established criteria or consensus among psychiatrists about whether or when a mental illness should be considered irremediable. He also pointed to the difficulty of distinguishing a request for MAID from a suicidal intent, explaining that researchers found no reliable way to make that distinction. Professor Brian Mishara, an expert in suicide prevention, also spoke to the uncertainty of predicting whether someone will recover. His testimony reinforced the importance of recognizing that even when someone is experiencing severe and prolonged suffering, their circumstances and outlook can change. We cannot lose sight of that possibility when considering legislation with such irreversible consequences. Another important concern raised before the committee was the lack of access to mental health treatment and support. The chief medical officer also acknowledged there may be individuals who have not had the opportunity to access treatments that could help them. There is something deeply troubling about offering someone an irreversible end to their life when they may not have had a real opportunity to access the treatment and care they need. We cannot say someone has truly exhausted all their options when all options have not been made available to them. For someone struggling with mental illness, access to treatment should not be out of reach. They deserve the opportunity to receive care, explore treatment options and find a path forward. We cannot allow gaps in our health care system to become a reason why somebody is offered MAID. A system that offers MAID without ensuring access to appropriate care is failing the very Canadians it should be protecting. Permanently excluding MAID for people whose sole underlying condition is a mental illness is the right decision. This is a recognition of the serious concerns Conservatives have been raising all along. Expanding MAID to include mental illness would undoubtedly lead to the death of someone who still has a chance to recover. With the right treatment, care and support, their future would be very different. We should never rob someone of the opportunity to get better, or, in fact, rob their families and friends of the opportunity to see them recover. This makes the Liberal government’s handling of MAID all the more troubling. The government had an opportunity to take a clear and direct step to protect Canadians with mental illness. If the Liberals were serious about protecting those affected, they would have supported Bill C-218. That Conservative private member’s bill would have addressed the issue directly and provided an opportunity to work together on a measure that has broader support. Instead, the Liberals voted down Bill C-218 and then brought forward their own legislation. Bill C-41 would go beyond permanently excluding MAID for mental illness. It would also include further expansion to Canada’s MAID regime. These are separate issues. Each deserves its own debate and careful consideration. The recent committee study focused on MAID for mental illness. It did not examine these further expansions to the regime. This is why these issues should not have been combined in one bill. The recent committee study focused on MAID for mental illness. It did not focus on or scrutinize further expansions of the regime, but the committee did hear testimony from witnesses who raised serious concerns about vulnerabilities within the existing MAID framework. Those included gaps in access to care, social and economic pressures and questions about whether the current safeguards are working as intended. Beyond these broader concerns, there have also been several public accounts of Canadians being offered MAID when they had not asked for it. Miriam Lancaster, an 83-year-old woman in British Columbia, has spoken about being offered MAID when she went to the hospital with severe pain. She had not yet even been diagnosed. Ultimately, doctors later found a fracture and she went on to recover. The death of Brigitte Stegemann, an 83-year-old grandmother who died by MAID in July, is now under investigation. Her family says she had made it clear that she did not want MAID and that she did not give final consent before the procedure. These are just a few recent cases that have received media attention, and they raise serious concerns about consent, pressure and the protection of vulnerable people. These cases have occurred under the current MAID framework. These concerns become even more serious when we consider the Liberal government’s proposal to expand MAID. If we are still struggling to ensure consent and to protect vulnerable people under the current framework, there are serious questions about whether the proposed safeguards will be enough. This is particularly concerning when someone can no longer speak for themselves. Bill C-41 raises serious questions about the direction of Canada’s MAID framework and the protections in place for vulnerable Canadians. The exclusion for MAID where mental illness is the sole underlying condition must be made permanent. Expanding eligibility to those with mental illness should never have been a consideration to begin with. The Liberals had an opportunity to work with Conservatives on targeted legislation to permanently address this issue. Instead, they put forward this bill that combines this important measure with further expansions to the MAID framework. These are separate issues, and they should have been dealt with separately. It is reckless to further expand MAID when serious issues remain around consent, pressure and coercion under the current system. We have a responsibility to ensure that the law protects those who are most vulnerable. When it comes to the decision about someone’s life, getting it wrong even once is one time too many.

Luc Thériault, Montcalm

Bloc Québécois
“People in a suicidal crisis cannot get medically assisted dying, and issues with health care access do not make someone eligible. Patients must try every available treatment over years before they can even be assessed. If someone refuses a treatment that could help, they cannot get assisted dying. I want my colleague to read the expert panel's report.”
Official Hansard

Madam Speaker, my colleague spoke about suicidal crises. A suicidal crisis is reversible and does not make someone eligible for MAID. She talked about the gaps in the health care system, but that has nothing to do with eligibility for MAID. If she has read the expert panel’s report, she must know that for someone to be assessed—without necessarily getting a positive decision at the end of the process—the guidelines state that all available treatments must have been tried. The available treatments will span a number of years, if not decades. This is not a matter of whether or not health care is accessible. People cannot apply for MAID if they have not received care. If a person has not tried every possible treatment over a number of years and has refused one that could have improved their condition, they are no longer eligible for MAID. There are guidelines in the expert report. I suggest that my colleague read it.

Rosemarie Falk, Battlefords—Lloydminster—Meadow Lake

Conservative
“I disagree that people are not being pressured into medically assisted death. The current system is not working. Canadians are being pushed to end their lives without asking for it or consenting to it.”
Official Hansard

Madam Speaker, I humbly disagree. There are Canadians who have been suggested and coerced. I spoke of Miriam Lancaster, who went to the hospital with pain. It was suggested that she should have MAID. It happened that she had a fracture, and she ended up getting treatment and going home. The problem is that the current framework is not working. Canadians are still being coerced and pressured into ending their life without asking for it and, in some cases, without consent.

Kevin Lamoureux, Parliamentary Secretary to the Leader of the Government in the House of Commons

Liberal
“The government is working with the provinces to protect vulnerable people. Most Canadians seem to want this bill. Does the member think the Conservatives' position reflects what most Canadians want?”
Official Hansard

Madam Speaker, I think that the minister has been fairly clear in terms of working with provinces and territories to ensure that we have a rigorous process that has safeguards to protect people. I think that is an important thing to say. In my canvassing, I have had people talk to me about this issue. Where I disagree is that it seems to me that a majority do seem to want to see the legislation. I am not talking about knocking on doors and things of that nature. I am wondering if the member could provide her thoughts on whether she believes that the Conservative Party’s positioning on this issue, because that is what it seems to be, is reflective of what a majority of Canadians would want to see.

Rosemarie Falk, Battlefords—Lloydminster—Meadow Lake

Conservative
“I do not want medically assisted dying expanded. The current safety rules are not working. In Ontario, one woman died this way without her consent. Different rules across provinces could let people shop around for doctors who say yes. My constituents have told me clearly that they do not want these rules expanded.”
Official Hansard

Madam Speaker, I will just say, to the first part of my colleague’s remarks, that the current framework is not working. I referred to the death of Brigitte Stegemann, here in Ontario, who did not want and did not consent to MAID. Her death is under investigation because the current framework’s safeguards are not working. If we add the mishmash of different provinces and territories, we then could end up with MAID tourism, where people are shopping around to get what they want if one doctor says no, that they do not think that the situation fits into that framework. This is a problem. I will say, regarding hearing from constituents, I have received many petitions, specifically on Bill C-218. Many of my constituents wanted to see that passed. I have received many letters and phone calls regarding the importance of this and not wanting to see MAID expanded at all in any area.

Dave Epp, Chatham-Kent—Leamington

Conservative
“We all agree that people should not get medically assisted dying just for mental illness. Disability and mental health groups agree with that too. We should not combine that agreed rule with a plan to expand assisted dying, which needs much more study before our deadline.”
Official Hansard

Madam Speaker, why? This place has arrived at a consensus, albeit it took some time, on the first part of the bill. All the disabled groups, mental illness groups and everyone else recognized that the path the government was going down was the wrong one, in allowing mental illness to be the sole driver for MAID. Why combine it with an expansion process that needs far more study, irrespective of where one is on the spectrum? Why combine it, with the deadline that the House is facing? What is the logical path for combining those two issues?

Rosemarie Falk, Battlefords—Lloydminster—Meadow Lake

Conservative
“The Liberals combined these issues just to divide us for political gain. Less than a month ago, they voted against another bill that could already be in committee. Any problems with that bill's wording could have been fixed there.”
Official Hansard

Madam Speaker, I believe it is just for political gain. I believe the Liberals wanted to wedge and thought they could wedge us on this. At the end of the day, less than a month ago, that party voted against Bill C-218. It could have already been in committee. I heard a Liberal member say they had an issue with some of the verbiage. That could have been amended in committee. This could have been moved along, and we—

Kristina Tesser Derksen, Milton East—Halton Hills South

Liberal
“I want the House to pass this bill. It stops assisted dying for people whose only condition is a mental illness, because the provinces are not ready to do that safely. It also lets people make advance requests for assisted dying if they get a disease like Alzheimer's, before they lose the ability to decide for themselves.”
Official Hansard

Madam Speaker, my remarks today seek to contribute to the discussion we have had in this House since 2016 regarding medical assistance in dying, commonly referred to as MAID, and particularly with respect to Bill C-41, the MAID safeguards act, which proposes to amend the Criminal Code and make two important updates. The first one is to end the expansion of MAID for mental illness as a sole condition, and the second is to allow Canadians to request MAID in advance for a time later in an illness. MAID is a controversial topic, and it has generated much constitutional debate. For all the nuances, though, the main arguments are divided into two general opinions. From one perspective, providing legal access to MAID enhances the personal autonomy and dignity of people with serious illnesses, giving them control over the manner of their death. From another perspective, it could be a precarious medical advancement that could impact the lives of people who may already be vulnerable. This legislation would provide safeguards so that all Canadians can be assured of their rights and protections, specifically with respect to MAID for mental illness and MAID for advance requests. Regarding the first change in Bill C-41, MAID for mental illness, MAID will not be available for those suffering with mental illness as a sole condition. The planned expansion for MAID to those with mental illness as a sole condition has been delayed twice to allow more time to consider questions around readiness and safeguards from the provinces and territories. Most recently, a parliamentary committee made up of senators and MPs from different parties studied the issue, heard from experts and stakeholders and recommended that the expansion for mental illness not move ahead. I was a member of that committee, and the result of extensive discussions found that we cannot be assured that the provinces and territories are ready to safely and consistently assess and provide MAID for Canadians with mental illness as their sole condition. I will say that there was not necessarily consensus around the committee on all underlying issues and definitions, and that just indicates the variety of perspectives that were considered. Without legislative action, the current exclusion for mental illness would expire on March 17, 2027, and this would have allowed MAID to be provided to eligible individuals on the basis of mental illness only. Given the lack of clinical consensus, Bill C-41 takes a precautionary approach and would maintain the exclusion. I will make an important point here. Several people have contacted my office about this. The eligibility for people with other eligible conditions is unchanged. A person who has a mental illness may still be eligible if they meet all other legislative criteria. For example, someone with an advanced stage of terminal cancer who also has, for example, diagnosed clinical depression as a mental illness may still be eligible to access MAID on the basis of their cancer, so long as they meet all the other eligibility criteria. I will also note here that Bill C-41 uses the term “mental illness”, not “mental disorder”, so people with serious degenerative neurological disorders who are eligible today keep their access. We are talking about conditions like Parkinson’s disease. Mental illness can cause suffering just like the suffering experienced by a physical illness. Canadians living with mental illness deserve to have their suffering taken seriously, and our government takes it very seriously. We are working with provinces and territories to determine how we can best support Canadians living with mental illness in strengthening our public health care system. That is why we announced a $1.2-billion investment to extend the mental health and substance use agreements and home and community care agreements as we work with provinces and territories toward long-term solutions to prevent and treat mental illness. In addition, in 2023, we announced the working together to improve health care in Canada plan, which provides $200 billion over 10 years to provinces and territories, including $25 billion for shared priorities such as mental health. Regarding MAID for advance requests, Bill C-41 would allow adults to make an advance request for MAID following an early-stage diagnosis of an incurable illness that is expected to take away their ability to make decisions. This would allow an individual to make an informed decision about their care while they still have capacity and would set out the circumstances in which they would want to receive MAID later in their illness. For example, someone diagnosed with early-stage Alzheimer’s could make an advance request so that their wishes could be respected if they later lost the ability to make the decision for themselves. An advance request would not mean MAID is provided automatically. Eligibility requirements and safeguards would still need to be satisfied. The role for the federal government relates to the Criminal Code. To implement this change, provinces and territories would still have to make advance requests available in their respective jurisdictions. Under the current law, a person must be able to give informed consent to receive MAID. They must understand their condition, their options and the consequences of their decision, and they must generally confirm their consent immediately made before MAID is provided. Some illnesses, such as Alzheimer’s disease and dementia, gradually take away a person’s ability to make these decisions. As the illness advances, a person may no longer be capable of giving informed consent by the time they would want MAID. Under the existing law, this means they cannot receive MAID, even if they were clear about their wishes while they were still capable. Many Canadians feel this is inherently unfair. Importantly, this is about respecting the wishes expressed by an individual while they are capable of making decisions about their own care. Importantly, a family member would not be able to make an advance request for MAID on someone else’s behalf. Provinces and territories would decide whether to make advance requests available in their jurisdictions, and our government will continue working closely with them as we move forward. This is because MAID eligibility is a shared federal-provincial matter. The provincial role in the MAID framework is crucial to the fair and consistent delivery of care to Canadians. Individual provinces and territories have their own customized approaches to MAID to best serve their populations. Provinces and territories provide services, coordinate care and regulate providers so that Canadians in their respective provinces and territories have consistency and certainty. This must be done in deference to the autonomous choice of an individual as they approach the end of their life with a grievous and irremediable medical condition. In short, Canadians rely on their provincial and territorial governments to provide access to their charter right of security of the person in the context of MAID. If the House will indulge me, I will provide a short legal and historical context for this discussion. I will take members way back. A discussion about MAID became necessary in 2015 after the Supreme Court decision in the Carter case. Carter decriminalized medically assisted death. In that decision, our Supreme Court held that the criminal laws prohibiting assistance in dying limited the rights to life, liberty and security of the person under section 7 of the charter in a manner that was not demonstrably justified under section 1. As a result of the Supreme Court’s decision, the Criminal Code provisions prohibiting assisted suicide and providing that no person may consent to death being inflicted on them were deemed to be in violation of Canadians’ rights under the charter. Responding to the Carter decision via Bill C-14 in 2015, MAID was legalized for competent adults whose natural death was reasonably foreseeable. The Criminal Code established eligibility criteria and safeguards for MAID, as well as made exemptions to criminal offences, including murder and aiding someone to die by suicide. A subsequent case, Truchon, was heard at the Quebec Superior Court in March 2021, and the court’s decision in Truchon expanded eligibility for MAID to adults whose natural death was not reasonably foreseeable. This created two tracks in the Criminal Code: one where natural death is reasonably foreseeable, track 1, and one where it is not, track 2. In addition to eligibility criteria for those receiving MAID, notably that an individual must have a grievous and irremediable medical condition, the Criminal Code set out additional procedural safeguards that health care providers must follow before providing MAID where death is not reasonably foreseeable. The same legislation temporarily excluded persons from eligibility if their sole underlying medical condition was a mental illness. That exclusion for mental illness was originally set to end on March 17, 2027. Bill C-41 would permanently end the extensions. I would hazard that this issue of expansion for mental illness has perhaps been one of the most contentious and complex issues we have grappled with in the development of MAID legislation. In the joint committee’s third report, it was noted that although MAID is governed by federal law, health care regulations and medical standards fall within provincial jurisdiction. The division of authority introduces some added legal and administrative complexity in aligning federal policy with provincial implementation. With the benefit of the special joint committee’s findings, we have determined that the provinces and territories simply are not ready to administer an expansion of MAID for mental illness. I speak with some experience on end-of-life issues. Prior to entering politics, I worked in long-term care, I worked as a licensed funeral director and I worked as an estate planning lawyer. I have also sat as a board director of our local North Halton Hospice foundation. This is an organization seeking to build a palliative care hospice residence in my riding of Milton East—Halton Hills South. In these professional activities, discussing death became a fairly innocuous exercise. Death is, most simply, a fact of life that when possible, is best planned for and discussed with loved ones and trusted professionals. It is my opinion that those discussions are best had without the pressure of prying eyes or proselytization from the outside world, and free from those who contend they know better about how an individual should move through this life and how they should move on to the next. Choosing a medically assisted death is a fundamentally personal decision and a very fundamentally personal right. How MAID is delivered has become a main focus of the debate since 2015. Some of the concerns I have heard from people in my riding include the fear that vulnerable people will turn to MAID as a first option because they feel that other care or health services are too difficult to access or simply do not exist. Also, there is a concern that people could be coerced or influenced to opt for MAID, and this may be more likely for people who could already be vulnerable due to other socio-economic factors. It is important that Canadians are properly informed on the process to access MAID and the safeguards that exist to ensure that vulnerable persons do not improperly access MAID. First, at least 90 days must pass between the day the MAID eligibility assessment begins and the day the person receives MAID. Second, two health care practitioners, independent of one another, must conduct assessments and confirm that the person is actually eligible for MAID. Third, these assessors must inform the person of all reasonable and available options for relieving their suffering and offer the person consultations with people who provide those services. Fourth, the person and the assessors must have discussed all of the options for relieving the person’s suffering and agree that the person has seriously considered those options. Last, immediately before the person is to receive MAID, the MAID provider must give them the opportunity to withdraw the request for the procedure. If the person wants to proceed, the MAID provider must ensure that the person gives final consent. In Bill C-41, which we are discussing here today, there would be additional requirements in the case of an advance request. First, generally, we would implement minimal national safeguards that would set out Criminal Code requirements for the lawful provision of MAID based on advance requests. Second, the implementation of provincial and territorial frameworks would have to be developed and would have to state that any province or territory wishing to permit advance requests must first enact its own legislative framework. Advance requests would remain prohibited in jurisdictions that do not have this framework. Third, operational rules and participating jurisdictions would be responsible for rules on making, validating, amending, storing and withdrawing requests, including a reliable storage mechanism to verify that a request remains valid. Fourth, the requirement for two independent assessments would be enhanced so that the two physicians or nurse practitioners must confirm that the circumstances in the request have occurred, that the person is in an advanced and irreversible decline, and that they are experiencing intolerable suffering. Fifth, as in any MAID case, refusal would end the process. MAID could not be provided to a person who refuses, and their advance request would then be invalidated. When it comes to Quebec, Quebec’s existing framework would be incorporated into the federal criminal law regime without the need to amend Quebec’s legislation. I want to note here the tremendous responsibility that frontline care providers would shoulder in fulfilling these criteria. Their expertise, training, compassion and courage in providing this service really cannot be understated. These safeguards show that the analysis in providing MAID in each unique case would be a process of some burden, and it should be. I note the historical position of our Conservative opposition colleagues. They have been vocal on this, urging the government to scrap the expansion of MAID for what they call a mental disorder, most recently in a private member’s bill, Bill C-218. Bill C-218 was premature at the time of its tabling, as the special joint committee had not yet had time to consider evidence or hear from witnesses, and the bill ultimately failed in this House. In any event, our government’s Bill C-41, currently before this House, aligns with the request in the Conservatives’ private member’s bill, Bill C-218, to end the expansion of MAID for someone with a mental illness as a sole condition. On that, we have agreement, although perhaps for different reasons. I am not sure of my Conservative colleagues’ position on Bill C-41, but I cannot imagine on what grounds they would oppose it, since in one instance, it would provide what Bill C-218 asked for in ending the expansion for mental illness, and in the second, it would provide greater freedom and autonomy for Canadians in determining their own treatment and end of life through advance requests, a principle that is very popular, especially among older Canadians. It is hard to deny that MAID can be a contentious topic, because for all the legalities, science, regulations and debate, we are essentially discussing an issue that is the most profound experience of being human. We are all going to die. Dying is still a great mystery, one that we must continue to navigate and explore together with conversations like this one that embrace mutual respect, empathy and understanding for the emotion and fundamental humanity of contemplating how we leave this world. During my time working as a funeral director, I had the privilege of hearing the unfiltered experiences and stories of families as they found themselves as observers and helpers during the death journey of their loved ones. This is where the importance of individual autonomy and choosing the care and form of dying really became real for me. In the years that I have been serving on the hospice foundation board, a discussion has proceeded about how health care should address the experience, needs, beliefs and requests of each unique individual as they move through their own unique, individual death. Not all of us will be able to plan for our death or have control over the circumstances and timing of our transition from this world, but many of us will. When that time comes, I want to have the autonomy to make the choice that is best for me, in consultation with my family, my health care provider and my own conscience. We all deserve that. I would argue that it is the role of legislators to work with experts to achieve this for Canadians, not only because of the moral imperative to do so but because security of the person is enshrined in our charter, which contains protections for individuals, allowing them to maintain control of their bodily integrity, personal integrity and basic freedom of choice. Conversations such as the one we are having here in the House work to expand minds, address misinformation, open the dialogue and provide space for each of us to learn and share. These debates are absolutely imperative in bringing the best care to our citizens and helping government move toward legislation that will serve all Canadians.

Garnett Genuis, Sherwood Park—Fort Saskatchewan

Conservative
“I oppose this bill because it lets people ask for medically assisted death in advance. It allows someone to be killed based on a paper signed years earlier, without asking them or telling them what is about to happen. People should not be able to give someone else the power over their life and death before they even experience their illness.”
Official Hansard

Madam Speaker, I am opposed to this bill on the grounds of the advance directives proposal. There is nothing in the bill that would even require that a person who had previously, maybe years before, signed an advance directive be consulted or told what is about to happen to them. The bill would allow a person to be killed based on a piece of paper they signed perhaps years before, without informing them what is about to happen to them. It is obviously a bit of a stretch to say, in the name of autonomy, that somebody can delegate the power of life and death for them to someone else. It means that somebody else would make that decision for them, again, without asking them or without telling them, potentially, and would have to assess, external to them, what is or is not intolerable in the particular circumstances. The person signing the advance directive would do so before they even have the lived experience of that condition. If I get a diagnosis today and am asked to sign a document about something in the future that I have never experienced, I am obviously doing that in relative ignorance of that experience. Does the member share these concerns at all about how this would work in practice? Even if she likes the idea of advance directives in theory, what would it mean in practice when somebody else has the power of life and death over a patient on the basis of something they signed years before?

Kristina Tesser Derksen, Milton East—Halton Hills South

Liberal
“I want this bill to pass. It protects people from being forced to ask for medical assistance in dying. Patients must choose to ask for it themselves after talking with their doctor. They can also change their mind at any time, even with just a sound or a gesture.”
Official Hansard

Madam Speaker, this is a perfect example of how complex the issue really is. First of all, no one would be offered a document to sign. People would take the initiative, once they have received a diagnosis, in consultation with their medical provider, and they would decide. They would have to do the research. In fact, the legislation would protect people from having this offered to them or forced upon them. I know that is a concern of our Conservative colleagues, and it is one that is addressed in this legislation. Again, we are getting back to how much faith we put in individual Canadians to make autonomous decisions for their own care. For something in the future that they would have to deliberate, it would be a discussion they would have with their doctor, with their family and, if they are a person of faith, with their creator, and they would ultimately make the decision for themselves. At any point in time in the process after someone decides to sign an advance directive, they could withdraw it. In fact, they would not have to formally withdraw it. They could just say to the provider of MAID in the moment, or prior, that they are not willing to move forward. In fact the legislation even says if they make sounds or gestures that indicate they may not want it administered, then the provider could not administer it.

Luc Thériault, Montcalm

Bloc Québécois

Linked statement

“Completely banning medical assistance in dying for people with mental illnesses is discriminatory. If we delay this debate, we are forcing suffering people to fight the government in court to protect their constitutional rights.”
Official Hansard

Madam Speaker, my colleague talked about the history of MAID in Canada. I hope my colleague knows that Bill C-14 did not respond to the Carter decision, because Ms. Carter and Ms. Taylor were not terminally ill, and Bill C‑14 enshrined a flawed Quebec law. Essentially, that legislation should have addressed the cases of Mr. Truchon and Ms. Gladu. However, the onus once again fell on Ms. Gladu and Mr. Truchon to assert their constitutional rights and to invoke the Carter decision in the Baudouin case. Neither of them was terminally ill, and natural death was not reasonably foreseeable. With respect to mental disorders, is my colleague aware that all the experts said that this blanket exclusion is discriminatory and that, if we postpone the debate indefinitely, we will never again be able to have this debate here? This means that vulnerable people with mental disorders who have been suffering for decades will still have the burden of taking their cases all the way to the Supreme Court to assert their constitutional rights.

Kristina Tesser Derksen, Milton East—Halton Hills South

Liberal
“I want the member to support this bill. We cannot allow medically assisted dying for mental illness yet because the provinces and territories are not ready to do it safely.”
Official Hansard

Madam Speaker, I thank my colleague for that good question. In my remarks, I mentioned that I was on the joint committee with the hon. member, and there was vigorous debate and certainly difference of opinion on a number of factors. I take his point with respect to what he is saying for folks who are experiencing mental illness as the sole underlying condition. I had an experience of talking to someone in my riding who was very disappointed that as someone with mental illness, they would not be able to access MAID, given the recommendations of the committee. As I mentioned, it was primarily because the provinces and territories had shown they were not ready to assess and consistently and safely administer MAID in those situations. My colleague also referenced the extensive case law and the legal history. I am sure the law will continue to develop, as it has over the past 10 years, but right now we find ourselves here with this very important comprehensive piece of legislation that I hope we can have his support on.

Tamara Jansen, Cloverdale—Langley City

Conservative
“I want the member to define intolerable suffering. Under this bill, a doctor would have to decide if a patient is suffering intolerably, even when that patient can no longer communicate. Right now, there is no definition for those words.”
Official Hansard

Madam Speaker, I wonder if my Liberal colleague could provide us with a definition of intolerable suffering. A doctor would have to somehow decide that somebody has intolerable suffering. That person is not able to communicate with them, but they have made an advance request. As far as I understand, there is no definition at this time of the actual wording “intolerable suffering”.

Kristina Tesser Derksen, Milton East—Halton Hills South

Liberal
“We left the wording in this bill broad on purpose. It lets provinces make their own rules. People experience suffering in very different ways, so it cannot be strictly defined. These choices should be made between patients and their doctors.”
Official Hansard

Madam Speaker, sometimes in law, definitions are left broad on purpose. We want to ensure that the provinces that would choose to come on board with this would have their own requirements, their own regulations. Again, we want to ensure that medical providers and the people who go to them seeking care and perhaps choosing MAID have a discussion about what that means. It is impossible to define it in black and white in any sensible way, because there are so many vastly different ways that people can experience intolerable suffering.

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