Strong and Free Elections Act

Bill C-25, Strong and Free Elections Act · Second reading · now law Where it stands

What the law does

The law amends the Canada Elections Act to set new bans on foreign influence, bribery, unauthorized computer use, and false information about elections or candidate nominations. It restricts voting in nomination or leadership contests, bans anonymous contributions to political entities and third parties, and requires parties to have privacy policies. It also raises administrative monetary penalties, gives enforcement powers to the Commissioner of Canada Elections, and changes the names of some electoral districts.

Official text (opens in a new tab)

41 statements

Peter Schiefke, Vaudreuil

Liberal
“This bill is meant to deal with immediate threats to our election system. Changing how political parties get money does not belong in this bill, but we could look at it in the future.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, I would like to thank my dear friend, the member for Saanich—Gulf Islands, for her question. I would simply say that my view of this piece of legislation is that it is intended to deal with imminent threats and challenges facing Canada’s electoral system. I do not feel at this time that the suggestion by my hon. colleague with regard to the way in which parties are financed would fall under the scope of this piece of legislation but, perhaps, under a future piece of legislation. In this particular case, I do not feel that it is relevant at this time.

Branden Leslie, Portage—Lisgar

Conservative
“I want to know if the member would support adding a fee to run as an election candidate into this bill.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, one of my colleagues previously, in delivering a speech on this topic, brought up the idea of the previous removal of the costing regarding the entrance fee, so to speak, to become a candidate. I am very curious whether the member would be willing to incorporate that into the legislation.

Peter Schiefke, Vaudreuil

Liberal
“I hear my colleague's comments, and I will bring them to the committee.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, I will take my hon. colleague’s comments on notice and take them to committee.

Yves Perron, Berthier—Maskinongé

Bloc Québécois
“We support this bill and will vote for it. It protects elections by stopping foreign influence, lies, bribes, and anonymous donations. It also gives the election commissioner more power to punish rule-breakers. But we want to change one part. The bill stops people from signing nomination papers for more than one candidate. Signing a paper just helps someone run. It does not mean you will vote for them. The government should not limit how many candidates a person can support.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to speak to Bill C-25, which amends the Canada Elections Act. We think the intention of the bill is good. We agree in principle and we will vote in favour of the bill at second reading. However, there are some nuances I need to talk about. Of course we agree with the bans regarding foreign influence, election disinformation, election corruption, and those so-called “rewards”, or bribes, the infamous “brownies”. These things urgently need to be regulated. We also agree when it comes to addressing the problems with nomination contests and leadership races. When it comes to political party financing, parties are also prohibited from accepting and using certain donations, namely those from anonymous sources. That is important, and we need to keep that up. Questions were raised about that earlier in the discussions on previous speeches. The bill as it now stands raises doubts in that regard. Political parties have a duty to protect the personal information of their donors and members. As for enforcement and sanctions, the bill gives more power to the federal Commissioner of Canada Elections and increases the administrative monetary penalties. Finally, the bill also seeks to change the names of some ridings at the request of members, a move that, in our case, was approved by the communities covered by this bill. As I said, we support the principle of this bill. We applaud the goal of protecting electoral integrity and combatting interference and corruption. We do, however, disagree with one of the measures in the bill, which we expressed in committee. We do not understand why this has not already been amended. We therefore want to work on this some more and propose amendments related to the measure preventing people from signing more than one nomination paper. It is a very slippery slope when the government starts limiting citizens’ ability to endorse candidates with a signature. Signing a nomination paper does not mean that individual will vote for that candidate. However, if people are limited to signing only one, it will almost become— Mr. Speaker, people are having conversations right next to me. Perhaps those folks could go into the lobby to do that. I do not think they are listening to my speech, anyway.

Yves Perron, Berthier—Maskinongé

Bloc Québécois
“I support most of this bill, but I want changes. Voters should still be allowed to sign nomination papers for more than one candidate. Signing a paper does not mean you have to vote for that person, and people should not be forced to reveal their choice before the campaign even happens. We also need to change how parties are funded. We should follow Quebec, lower donation limits to stop rich people from buying influence, and give public money to parties based on their votes.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, I have a mild case of attention deficit. Nearby noises bother me. I will pick up where I left off. I was outlining the serious doubts that we raised over the prospect of preventing constituents from signing more than one nomination paper. This is an important issue. Signing a nomination paper does not oblige constituents to vote for the candidate in question. They are free to watch the election campaign unfold and possibly change their mind along the way. Otherwise, what purpose would election campaigns serve? If we tell constituents that they cannot sign more than one nomination paper, it amounts to telling them that they have to make their choice at the start of the campaign, which would make election campaigns rather pointless. People would be unable to sign a nomination paper for the person they want to vote for because someone else got to them first. The problem with that is obvious. The other problem is that the vote will be made public. Most people are comfortable with that. I think most people here could guess who I voted for in the last election and in every election of my life. However, some people do not want to reveal who they voted for, and that is fine, because it is all voters’ prerogative to keep their vote secret. If a person can sign only one nomination paper, they might as well announce publicly which candidate they will be voting for. We understand how complex this issue is. I myself have gladly signed the nomination papers of certain opponents, because it is important to have an election campaign with diverse candidates and to foster democratic debate. We believe this provision should be removed from the bill. We believe the other measures will be enough to control the very high number of candidates seen in the last election. I just said that I have signed ballots for certain political opponents, but I will never sign ballots for 48 candidates who are simply there to bog down the electoral system. There are different ways to express disagreement. Fundamentally, I agree with the cause these people are defending. However, I think they are taking the wrong approach. They are disrupting the entire electoral system. Through their actions, they are discouraging citizens from exercising their right to vote. In large federal ridings, a list can sometimes include as many as 72 candidates, and voters often have to search through them. Take Berthier—Maskinongé, for example, with its 108,000 voters and 37 municipalities. As qualified and important as I believe myself to be, I am well aware that many people in my riding vote primarily for the party. They need to be able to find that choice on the ballot. We therefore agree that this needs to be addressed. Compromises were found during the recent by-elections, particularly in Terrebonne, where candidates affiliated with recognized parties were placed on the first page. However, requiring voters to write down the name of the candidate increases the degree of difficulty, the duration of the vote, the risk of error and the risk of a challenge. There was no recount this time because there was a clear majority, but in the event of a judicial recount, it is easy to imagine how that could be challenged by lawyers for the other party that is seeking to overturn a vote, particularly if a candidate has a hyphenated last name and the voter only wrote part of the name. This can cause major problems and delays that must be avoided. That said, we agree with most of the measures proposed in the bill. I hope the government will reconsider preventing people from signing more than one nomination paper, but there is something else we take issue with: Why not take this opportunity to review the issue of political party financing? I will again use Quebec as an example. I know I am always going on about this, but this is another fine example of how Quebec is ahead of Canada. Quebec reformed its electoral law several years ago. Public funding is allocated based on the number of votes obtained, and donors are limited to a donation of $100 per year and $200 in an election year. That limits influence. Let us not forget that, under the previous prime minister’s government, Chinese-Canadian businessmen planning to open a bank in Canada attended receptions to gain access to the Prime Minister and donated over $1,700. That is a lot of money. There are not many ordinary citizens who can afford to donate $1,700 to a political party. It is time we sorted this out. These amounts and this way of doing things open the door to the possibility of electoral manipulation. It is never a good thing when money buys access to ministers, so we need to democratize the system. Public funding of political parties could also prevent some parties from engaging in populism. The parliamentary secretary seems to be listening carefully to my remarks and I am pleased about that. I am sure that he will appreciate what I am saying about some of the more populist parties that post the same slogans or videos repeating the same lines on their social media to try to raise a lot of money. We could perhaps mitigate that by allocating a portion of public funding to the parties. That is something we could work on. Of course, I hope the government will work collaboratively and that the talk we are hearing will be followed by more practical measures than the ones in yesterday’s motion. I mentioned this briefly earlier, but it is also important that we have access to the names and addresses of people who make donations to political parties. Part of the bill raises doubts in that regard, and we have serious concerns about that. Of course, if we allow anonymous donations, it would only further encourage fraud, manipulation and corruption. We want to avoid that. We also want to avoid foreign interference and the use of AI to send messages. We saw how a lot of messages were sent out to voters to direct them to the wrong polling stations. That is very serious and I hope that significant penalties will be imposed. I look forward to questions from my colleagues.

Kevin Lamoureux, Parliamentary Secretary to the Leader of the Government in the House of Commons

Liberal
“I do not think the public wants public money given to political parties for each vote they get. The member can still bring that idea to the committee. Also, this bill stops voters from signing nomination forms for more than one candidate, and it stops agents from working for more than one candidate in a riding. I want to know if the Bloc supports these two rules.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, I know a number of Bloc members have raised the whole voting dollar issue and how that could possibly help finance political entities. I do not believe there is any public will for that to take place, but I would encourage the member to bring it up at the standing committee. I would like some clarification. The member talked a lot about the long ballot, and I do not know if it is me or possibly the translation, but I am a little confused. In the legislation, it says that a voter can only sign one nomination form. Then it also indicates that an official agent can only be the official agent for one candidate in that given riding. Does the Bloc support those two measures?

Yves Perron, Berthier—Maskinongé

Bloc Québécois
“I agree that an agent should not represent more than one candidate. But I do not agree with stopping voters from signing nomination papers for more than one person. Signing a paper should not reveal who someone plans to vote for, because votes are supposed to be secret.”
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Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, of course we will be there in committee to present our proposals, including on political party financing. That is essential. To answer my colleague’s second question, we support half of these measures. We believe that prohibiting an official agent from representing more than one candidate will solve most of the problem. However, we are very concerned, and we do not agree with preventing people from signing more than one nomination paper. This raises issues concerning the secrecy of the vote, among other things. I do not know if the parliamentary secretary heard me say this earlier, but the fact that I can sign as many nomination papers as I want has in the past allowed me to sign the nomination papers of my own political opponents. I did so in good faith for the sake of a healthy political debate and campaign. However, if a voter can sign only one nomination paper, that means the individual signing the paper will be voting for that candidate. Even if that is not the case, it will prevent people from signing the nomination paper of the candidate for whom they intend to vote, and that makes the vote partially public. This raises issues that need to be addressed.

Luc Berthold, Mégantic—L'Érable—Lotbinière

Conservative
“I want to know how the member plans to stop people from signing up dozens of candidates just to protest. That makes ballots too long and confusing. What is his solution?”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, I am just trying to understand my colleague’s position on signing multiple nomination papers, because we saw that this was a major problem in some ridings. People are using the election to send a political message. That never used to happen because a $1,000 deposit was required, which was just as problematic for some people who could not afford to pay that amount to run for office. I know we will have the opportunity to discuss this in committee, but we absolutely must find a way to put an end to this election protest. How can this be solved? I missed part of my colleague’s speech, but what solutions does he propose to prevent us from ending up with ballots that are too long or ballots on which people have to write a candidate’s name, when we know that a certain percentage of people—

Yves Perron, Berthier—Maskinongé

Bloc Québécois
“People should be allowed to sign nomination papers for more than one candidate. Signing a paper is not a vote, and voters must be free to change their minds during an election.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, this is the second time that my colleague asks me a question that I appreciate, so it has been a good week. The issue has a lot to do with ballot secrecy. I had started to explain it to the Parliamentary Secretary to the Leader of the Government. Ballot secrecy is a privilege of citizenship. As long as citizens can sign as many nomination papers as they want, signing does not mean they are voting for that person. However, if we get to the point where citizens can only sign one nomination paper, the message would be that they are going to vote for that person. It also implies that there is some sort of commitment and that citizens cannot change their mind during an election campaign. However, an election campaign is precisely when people change their minds. We are usually pretty good at changing people’s minds, so we would not want that to change. We think that the other measures, such as having one official agent per candidate, could do the job. We agree on the basic objective.

Mario Beaulieu, La Pointe-de-l'Île

Bloc Québécois
“I want my colleague to explain why we should bring back public funding for political parties and limit donations. How does that protect democracy and stop corruption?”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, I would like my colleague to tell us a little more about the importance of reinstating public funding for political parties and limiting the scope for donations. Why is that important for democracy and for the fight against corruption and conflicts of interest?

Yves Perron, Berthier—Maskinongé

Bloc Québécois
“We need to lower the amount of money people are allowed to donate to political parties. Right now, people who donate $1,700 get a big tax refund paid with public money. Only powerful people can give that much, and that is a problem.”
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Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, getting a portion of public funding is essential. I was told earlier that there was some uncertainty as to whether there was an agreement on this. I can confirm that there is public funding, because when someone donates $1,700, they receive a substantial tax refund. Public money is going into this. What we are suggesting is simply changing the formula, the way it is done, to prevent anyone from donating as much as $1,700. We believe that only influential people can do this, so that poses a problem. The amount needs to be lowered.

Kelly Block, Carlton Trail—Eagle Creek

Conservative
“I support sending this election bill to committee for study. It stops groups from putting dozens of fake candidates on the ballot, and it bans hard-to-trace money like cryptocurrency. But the committee still needs to look at rules allowing foreign money in third-party groups, and the large new fines and powers given to election officials.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to rise today to speak to Bill C-25, an act to amend the Canada Elections Act. This is a complex, technical piece of legislation, but its core objective is one we should all support: protecting the integrity of our democratic process. Before I get into my speech, I would like to thank my hon. colleague from St. Albert—Sturgeon River for his thoughtful remarks on this bill and for the very good work he does on democratic reform. While the Conservative caucus supports moving this bill to the Standing Committee on Procedure and House Affairs for a detailed study, there are specific areas regarding foreign interference and new enforcement powers that I believe require further scrutiny. The bill focuses on three central themes. The first is bringing in changes to prevent further abuses of our democratic processes by the longest ballot committee. I know we have heard a lot about this issue during this debate. Over the course of many years now, members of the House, prospective candidates and Canadians have been subjected to a coordinated effort by a group that calls itself the longest ballot committee, whose members have sought to exploit our electoral process. They target specific ridings and flood the ballot with dozens of fake candidates, candidates who have no intention of campaigning, engaging with voters or putting forward solutions and policy proposals to run on. This undermines the trust Canadians have in our election systems. The expectation of residents in the riding of Carlton Trail—Eagle Creek from Humboldt, Warman and Martensville to Radisson, just to name a few, is that as a candidate I run under a set of policies that I am committing to represent, and I put forward a vision of what I plan to achieve in Ottawa and how I plan to represent the voices of my riding here in this place. The longest ballot committee is the exact opposite of this. To call it a protest is to misrepresent the way it undermines trust in our elections. A recent and prominent example was in the riding of Carleton, where we saw a metre-long ballot with 91 fake candidates. This creates voter confusion, marginalizes legitimate candidates and creates unnecessary barriers for voters with certain disabilities. As of now, groups can use the same 100 signatures to qualify multiple candidates. This is a clear abuse of the spirit of the act. Bill C-25 rightly proposes that an elector may only sign one nomination form and that an official agent may only act for one candidate per riding. This would help put an end to this sham of the electoral process by the longest ballot group. The second part of this bill proposes changes to close foreign funding loopholes. Central to our democracy is the idea and trust that Canadian elections should be and are decided by Canadians. Currently, significant loopholes allow foreign interests to influence our outcomes through third parties. If foreign money is sent for a general purpose rather than a specific regulated activity, it can be treated as general revenue and used for campaigning. This allows third parties to potentially be significantly funded by foreign money in practice. That process is the melding of funds. These new rules that would prohibit cryptocurrency, prepaid cards and money orders as contribution methods would extend to leadership contests as well. These changes to prevent anonymous and hard-to-trace funding channels are welcome. As has been noted, with the instance of the 2017 Tides Foundation case, where foreign funds were funnelled through Canadian intermediaries to mask their original source, those entities ended up campaigning against then prime minister Stephen Harper in the 2015 election. That is an intermediary loophole that exists, where foreign funding is dispersed to legitimate Canadian companies and then transferred to third party groups and the funds do not appear to be from foreign entities. This bill would require third parties to use separate bank accounts funded only by Canadians or permanent residents. However, there would be a 10% “own funds” exception that may still leave the door open for foreign influence. That is why Conservatives are urging the government to consider an amendment requiring all third parties, regardless of size, to use separate Canadian-only accounts to ensure a level playing field with political parties. The third part of the bill I will be focusing on is the proposed changes in powers to the commissioner of Elections Canada and new monetary penalties. It is these proposed changes that may require greater scrutiny, which would be done in the House through each stage of debate, and then during the review process at committee. The bill is proposing to increase monetary penalties for individuals from $1,500 to $25,000, and for corporations from $5,000 to $100,000. These are not small increases. Further investigation will be needed, given that the commissioner would have extraordinary powers to apply these fines, to see if it would be more appropriate to refer the matter to the director of public prosecutions and to proceed by way of criminal prosecution. Some of the proposed penalties are for spreading election misinformation. Conservatives will do our part to ensure that the legislation reflects the intent and that it would not penalize or have a chilling effect on having debate and conversations about elections. There are also greater powers being proposed for the commissioner of Elections Canada, in that they would no longer need judicial authorization to compel evidence in all circumstances. We will need to ensure that this is charter compliant. These are examples of where Conservatives believe the bill requires further scrutiny, and I do hope this demonstrates that we are willing to come to the table and find solutions to the problems facing our electoral system. The Standing Committee on Procedure and House Affairs tabled its report, and while some of its recommendations are being put forward in Bill C-25, some are not. The report was unanimous. Conservatives hope the government will be amenable to reconsidering the amendments that reflect the unanimous recommendations made by the committee. Election interference is real, and it is important that we work to close the loopholes and combat foreign influence in our elections. We are all familiar with what happened in 2019 in the riding of Don Valley North, where the Liberal nomination became an entryway for foreign interference in our elections process. A Beijing consulate coordinated support for a candidate who would go on to win the nomination and become a member of the House. Instances like the one in Don Valley North are a warning to every member of the House that foreign interference in our elections must be fought at every stage, including nominations. I know that there is much to consider in the bill, and in the short time I have had, I have not covered everything. Bill C-25 is a technical bill, as I mentioned earlier, and it includes numerous measures that are meant to close loopholes in the current legislation. I would like to thank the Standing Committee on Procedure and House Affairs for the report and for the fact that it was unanimously agreed to. Conservatives broadly support the measures contained in the bill that would safeguard democracy and ensure the integrity of our elections, and we will closely review individual measures at committee.

Tom Osborne, Parliamentary Secretary to the President of the Treasury Board

Liberal

Linked statement

“The bigger fines in this bill are meant to stop people who want to break the rules. People who follow the rules have nothing to fear. I want the member to explain their concerns about these fines.”
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Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, you have obviously done a great deal of review on the bill. I will give the member an opportunity to elaborate. You talked about penalty increases and some concern with the size of the increases. The size of the increase, I believe, is to prevent bad intention or bad actors. If candidates, official agents or others are acting in good faith, they have no fear of an increase in the size of the penalty. I want to give you an opportunity to elaborate on your thoughts.

Kelly Block, Carlton Trail—Eagle Creek

Conservative
“I agree with my colleague. The higher fines in this bill are big, and they show that we take breaking election rules seriously. The committee should decide if they need to look at these fines more closely.”
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Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the explanation that my hon. colleague has provided, and I would agree with that explanation. I do believe that the proposed increases are significant, and I think they demonstrate the seriousness with which both the committee and the drafters of the legislation take the monetary penalties that would be applied in cases where these fines are appropriate. I will leave it to the committee to determine whether this is something that needs further scrutiny.

Patrick Bonin, Repentigny

Bloc Québécois
“I want to bring back public funding for political parties. Right now, donation limits are too high. Only wealthy people can afford them, which can give them special access to ministers. Public funding would let us lower donation limits to around $500 and base party money on how many votes they get.”
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Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, I would like to hear from my hon. colleague concerning the main point, that being our proposal to reinstate public funding for political parties. What we currently see are very high caps on financial contributions to political parties. Obviously, not everyone can afford to contribute so much. Our point is that this opens the door to the appearance of a conflict of interest or privileged access to ministers, for example, when tickets to a cocktail party cost $1,500. Reinstating public funding for political parties would allow us to cap potential political contributions at, let us say, $500. In this way, contributions would not be limited to the fortunate few. It would also make funding a lot more grassroots and more representative of the number of votes cast for each party.

Kelly Block, Carlton Trail—Eagle Creek

Conservative
“I disagree with the member. Political parties should be funded by donations from Canadians who support them, not just by public money based on votes. The current limits on federal donations are right because they encourage people to get involved.”
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Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, I would disagree with my hon. colleague on the efficacy of that suggestion. It is important that political parties are subsidized not simply by a few votes they receive but by the voluntary contributions of Canadians who believe in what a political party represents and hopes to achieve. I know that, provincially, individuals can donate much more to candidates, and so can corporations and businesses. I believe that the threshold that has been set federally is appropriate and encourages people to stay engaged in politics and support the candidates they would like to have elected to the House.

Scott Anderson, Vernon—Lake Country—Monashee

Conservative
“Democracy depends on politicians acting fairly. Most people vote for a party, not a person, so it causes problems when members switch parties. Does the member think having too many candidates on the ballot also hurts democracy?”
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Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, parliamentary democracy is a loose framework and is only as good as the actors in it. If the actors use good ethics, then it works well. For example, when 93% of the electorate votes for the party customarily rather than for the candidate and when a floor crossing happens in a case like that, we can see intent of parliamentary democracy. I wonder if my colleague could expand on whether she considers the long ballot to be similarly detrimental to democracy.

Kelly Block, Carlton Trail—Eagle Creek

Conservative
“Current election laws have loopholes that let groups put dozens of protest candidates on the ballot. All parties agree this is a problem, and we want to change the law to stop it.”
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Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, I know that the Standing Committee on Procedure and House Affairs produced a report on the longest ballot issue, and that it was unanimously supported by all parties. What I believe has been noted is that there are loopholes in the current legislation that allow for activities like those of the longest ballot committee to continue, just as it is legal for individuals to cross the floor in the House of Commons. So far this committee has been able to do what it is doing, but we are seeking to end that.

Helena Konanz, Similkameen—South Okanagan—West Kootenay

Conservative
“I support most of this bill, but it needs careful study in committee. It stops foreign money in our elections and fixes a loophole that lets protest groups flood ballots with hundreds of fake candidates. Because election laws must be fair to everyone, I want the government to work with other parties on changes instead of passing it alone.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, I rise to speak to Bill C-25, an act to amend the Canada Elections Act. Our Elections Act is among the most important laws we have as a nation, as it sets out the rules and procedures for our democracy to function. All members of the House believe in democracy, of course. It is how we all ended up here. However, any time measures are brought forward that would change our laws, this could change how we vote and whom we can vote for, and the proposed measures must be considered with a microscope. Any proposed changes to how an election would operate must be considered with strict consideration to make sure the rules of the games would not be stacked in the favour of the party in power. We only need to look around the globe to see nations where democratic decline has started because free and fair elections have been watered down by legislative majorities. Canada and many of our allies have avoided this, but the decline of democracy can come swiftly. What once started in a forum in ancient Greece largely disappeared for more than a millennium. Democracy is not a natural occurrence. It must always be reasserted, and changes made to it must be agreed to among the largest possible number of parties and citizens. Given that the House now has a Liberal majority government constructed behind closed doors instead of at the ballot box, extra consideration is needed. The proposed changes that are before us could now be passed by one party alone, changing how our elections would be conducted. I know that the minister said in a minority government that he wanted to have consensus support for legislation amending the Canada Elections Act, and he expressed an openness to entertaining supporting other parties’ amendments. I hope he keeps his word on this and trusts that members on this side of the House are working in good faith to possibly make further changes. For the most part, I think the bill contains many welcome proposed changes, though many are long overdue. Other areas will require careful study by my colleagues in committee. For the people watching at home, I will explain that the legislation would make the following changes. First, the bill contains measures to counter foreign interference in our elections, as well as in nomination and leadership contests. Foreign entities would be banned from contributing to third parties at all. Foreign funding would be barred from leadership contests. Also closed would be contributions made anonymously, and funding channels such as money orders or cryptocurrency would be traced. After years of delays by the Liberal government, I am pleased that this would finally be addressed. Additionally, the bill would create several new offences and extend existing offences under the act to leadership and nomination contests. The bill would give significant new powers to the commissioner of Canada elections to undertake investigations and to enforce the act, among other measures. Last, the bill includes welcome measures to counter the disruptive and anti-democratic activities of the so-called longest ballot committee. Under the act as it stands, a candidate must obtain 100 signatures from electors in a riding in order to get their name on the ballot. The longest ballot committee, however, identified that the same pool of 100 voters could sign the nomination forms of hundreds of protest candidates who were seeking to get their name on the ballot, even if few or any of them were from the riding. This is clearly an abuse of the Canada Elections Act, insofar as the purpose of that section is to require that a candidate have the support of at least 100 electors, not that the same 100 voters can flood the ballot with an endless list of candidates. It is a low threshold but a threshold nonetheless. This point is of great importance because it does touch upon the issue of protests. Protests are in the blood of any democratic system. No country can call itself free if it does not allow for protests. I appreciate that the members of the longest ballot committee wish to make their case for changes to our election system. Canada has a long legal tradition that does not prescribe how these protests should be done. What one person may think is serious, another may feel is frivolous. The law does not discriminate, however. Protest candidates also have a long tradition in Canada and other democracies. British Columbians still remember the Marijuana Party of Canada. Others will remember the Rhinoceros Party of Canada, which campaigned on jokes. John Turmel is probably the most famous candidate, having run in 112 elections between 1979 and 2024, never once elected and yet never forgotten. In some ways, his persistence is a symbol of our democracy itself. However, it is not a universal right to subject other Canadians to protests. We are allowed a million ways, for example, to protest at an airport. We are even allowed to run for election to protest an airport. What we are not allowed to do is to stand on the runway and block the plane. The longest ballot committee chose to exploit a loophole in the Elections Act to fill ballots with hundreds of candidates, none of whom had any connection to the riding where an election was being held. This strikes against the principle of local representation. As a result of its actions, the metre-long ballots that were printed for voters were enormously burdensome. Other ridings chose to make ballots write-in only, which limited voters’ ability to consider their candidate in the voting booth. If the longest ballot committee wishes to protest our voting system, that is fine. It is not fine to disrupt the ballots for citizens in ridings across the country with long lists of people who do not live there and do not intend to represent them. It also strikes against some of this country’s strongest democracy supporters, such as the volunteers who take time every election to assist in the election process with Elections Canada. Forcing them to count enormously long ballots deep into the night is wrong. They give their time freely, with no reward, to ensure our elections are conducted fairly. They are heroes of democracy whom I know every MP in the House respects enormously. We literally cannot have elections without them. The changes that would be made here to limit the longest ballot committee are simple and fair and will leave a wide amount of space for protest candidates to continue. The amendments brought forward would require that electors sign only one candidate nomination form, as well as that an official agent act for only one candidate per riding. This is good for candidates, voters, election volunteers and even protesters. As I said previously, I look forward to seeing the bill go forward to committee for further study and possible amendments from all parties. I ask that my Liberal colleagues do not look to pass this legislation unilaterally and operate with an open mind to good ideas. Lastly, given this is on the subject of elections, it has been almost a year since I was elected myself as the member of Parliament for Similkameen—South Okanagan—West Kootenay. On this one-year anniversary, I would like to thank all the residents, whether they voted for me or for others, for granting me the honour of my life, to serve them in our nation’s Parliament. Over the past year, I have come to know the distinct character of this vast region, from the vineyards and beaches of the Okanagan to the mountains and valleys of the Similkameen, the forests and rivers of Boundary Country and the alpine landscapes of West Kootenay. Each community is unique, with its own needs and challenges, and I will work hard to ensure those voices are heard here in Ottawa.

Kevin Lamoureux, Parliamentary Secretary to the Leader of the Government in the House of Commons

Liberal
“I hope we can work together to improve this elections bill in committee. I do not like online voting myself, but I want to hear the member's thoughts on it.”
Official Hansard

Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the comments that the member put on the record. Ultimately, there is a high sense of collaboration on this legislation. PROC will have a wonderful time going through it, sharing ideas and thoughts. If there are ways the legislation can be approved, hopefully through collaboration, then we will get to see that done. Given the member’s background, and I really enjoyed her comments, I wonder if she could provide her thoughts on virtual voting, which is a little off topic but related. It is something that I think some people are thinking about. I am not a big fan of it, personally, but I would like to see more discussion on the issue of virtual voting, the pros and the cons.

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